Economic Impact the Islamic World Had on Christian
Europe (11th ~14th century)
Jihoon Ko
Korean Minjok Leadership Academy
Introduction
Henri Pirenne, the renowned Belgian historian, denied the view that the
Middle Age was started by the invasion of Germanic tribes into the Roman empire
and insisted that the social and economic system that had been continued from
the age of Roman Empire to the establishment of Gothic kingdoms was ended by the
pervasion of Islamic influence in the 7th century. He insisted that
the Islamic influence in the 7th century stopped the Mediterranean
trade and created the manorial system, a typical characteristic of the medieval
society.
This theory has brought a strong impulse among historians, some of whom remained
critical of it. This paper does not try to prove the validity of his theory, as
it is impossible to utterly prove a historical theory wrong. But it seems
evident that the Islamic world had benefited the Medieval Christian World to a
certain extent. The Mediterranean was not
blocked permanently—there were lots of interactions
going on between Christians and Muslims, and some of such connections
contributed to the development of Medieval Christian Europe. This paper would
try to look on the other side: this paper would examine the positive effects the
Islamic world had on Medieval Christian Europe, and how the Islamic World had
helped the Medieval Christian Europe develop into a more sophisticated state in
constructive ways.
The Mediterranean had played a role of
an active mediator between two seemingly drastically different cultures:
Christian and Islamic. The Christians in Medieval Europe were religiously
devoted people who neglected the advancement of technology or civilization.
Muslims, in contrast, possessed a thriving culture that was far more advanced
than that of the Christians. The two cultures confronted each other over the
Mediterranean, and the relationship between the
two was basically hostile, since the two were dogmatic enemies. However, as time
went on, the two began to interact, and this interaction between the two had
actually benefited Christians, as they got access to the sophisticated
civilization by the contact with the Muslims. In fact, it is no exaggeration to
say that the Islamic influence was crucial in the Christian Europe¡¯s renewal from the exclusive
medieval society to a more developed and lively one.
The Islamic powers affected the regions they ruled in Europe significantly. The Islamic powers directly ruled
the southern region of Spain, al-Andalus, from 753 to the
early 15th century. This direct Islamic rule for more than
600 years had affected the region seriously: the region, because, it was
included in the Islamic sphere of influence, was different from other Medieval
Christian regions in Europe. This helped the
region urbanize and become commercially developed, with many large cities
appearing which had become favorite trade spots appearing. This long-time
Islamic rule enabled the region to remain commercially far more developed than
most other parts of Europe at the beginning of
the Christian rule.
The trades that were going on between Christians and Muslims in the
Mediterranean world are also important. The long-distance trades that were going
on in the Roman world disappeared from Christian Europe. However, after the
series of Crusades which saw a large influx of Eastern goods into Christian
Europe, European trades with the Islamic began to a wide extent. The development
of sailing techniques also enabled the long-range Mediterranean trade with the
East. Italian maritime city-states, such as Genoa
and Venice, were major participants of the
Mediterranean trade and the Levant trade, a trade with the Middle East or Further Eastern Asia. The goods mainly
traded with the East, most notably spices, earned great popularity in Europe. The Italian maritime city-states became the
wealthiest nations in the medieval and early Renaissance Europe, and this fact
can be attributed to the large wealth accumulated by this trade with the Islamic
World. The Islamic regions later also served as major export partners.
This paper would examine the positive economic impacts that Muslims had
on Christian Europe. The concentrations are the establishment of cities and
settlements in the areas of Christian Europe they ruled, the trades between the
Christians and the Muslims in the Middle Age, and the effect of Muslims on the
revival of commercial nature of Medieval Christian
Europeans.
1. Urbanization
The development of cities in Medieval Europe
can be indeed greatly attributed to the Islamic influence. The Islamic rule in
the region of al-Andalus saw the construction of many major cities as
flourishing trade outposts; the southern Spain had remained the most densely populated
part in the entire Iberian Peninsula, and still
is one of the most populous regions.
Al-Andalus had been directly controlled by the Muslims. While the
economic and urban systems of other regions of Europe had been stuck within the manorial system,
Al-Andalus could benefit from deep commercial tradition and flourishing economy
of the Islamic world. The cities of Al-Andalus became commercial centers of
Europe under the Muslim rule, and the Andalusi
markets served as places for both domestic and foreign merchants. Andalusi
people traded with other fluent regions under Islamic sphere of influence, and
also with the Iberian Christian kingdoms of the North. They also later traded
with Christian regions of the Mediterranean
such as Italian city-states. The cities in the region of Al-Andalus were the
commercial hubs of the Iberian Peninsula.
Cities which later gradually became trade centers were newly established and
many existing cities were further developed and expanded.
There exists a twelfth century anecdote in which an Arab merchant tells
his son to ¡°take your goods to the large
cities even if you believe that you will sell there more cheaply.¡±
There were number of sites suitable for the establishment of large ports. The
amount of trade through the Mediterranean was
greater than that of the land trades with the Christian kingdoms in the north,
and the Mediterranean trades were also more profitable than the trade with the
Northern states. A dense range of large ports along the coast of the region was
established, thus making the region a large commercial center of the Mediterranean. The region gained wealth by the extensive
maritime commerce, and this facilitated the expansion of commercial cities even
further. The Andalusi ports that became great commercial cities include
Algeciras, Malaga,
Almeria, Cartegena, Alicante, Denia, Valencia, and Sevilla. Algeciras, Almeria, and Denia were established by the
Muslims in both commercial and military reasons, with their names originating
from Arabic language.
Malaga, Cartagena,
Alicante,
Valencia, and
Sevilla were established prior to the Muslim rule, and their urban tradition as
thriving population center was preserved and intensified by the Muslims.
Among the port cities of Al-Andalus, Almeria, the port built by the Muslims, was the
most prosperous one in the region. Descriptions of the city are found abundantly
in Arabic, Latin, and Jewish chronicles and commercial letters. The city was a
thriving commercial center which was also renowned for silk weaving and ship
building. Letters which mention ships from Almeria arriving in Egypt in the eleventh and twelfth century exist,
thus demonstrating the presence of long-distance international trade in the
Mediterranean.
Malaga also became a center of international
trade under Muslim rule, particularly because it served as a base for ships
awaiting the westward wind to sail across Gibraltar along the way to Sevilla. Denia on the eastern
coast traded actively with the Balearics on its east and also traded
internationally. Valencia at the age might not have
participated actively in direct trade with the east, since few records exist.
However, it became a center of Andalusi coastal trade, and later it became major
trade partner with Genoa in the twelfth century. Seville was a strategically important place since by
controlling it the rulers could control the straits of Gibraltar. Seville, despite the fact that it was more
distant from the major Muslim cities at the east, prospered as one of the
largest trade centers in the region.
One of the major reasons that Seville
could succeed as a major maritime port is that it was connected with Cordoba, the largest city of the Al-Andalus of that age, by
the Guadalquivir
River. Cordoba, the city originally built by the Romans, became
the largest city in the Iberian Peninsula. The
city later became the capital of the Umayyad caliphate in the Iberian Peninsula,
and it was large enough to impress people from other regions and one Muslim
chronicler described it as ¡°no equal in the Maghrib, or in the
Jazira, or Syria, or Egypt, to approximate the size of its population, extent of
its territory, area of its markets, cleanliness of its inhabitants, construction
of its mosques, and number of its baths and hostelries.¡± Even if it seems that it had
fewer foreign merchants than the Andalusi ports, it had a very large population
and was definitely the most urban city in the peninsula at that age.
Andalusi ports also served as naval bases. Not only serving as commercial
centers and markets, they had shipyards and harbors that could sustain many
ships, and thus could serve as an important center for military activity. In
fact, the major ports built by the Muslims in Al-Andalus were at the first time
built as fortresses against foreign military activities.
The urban tradition in the Iberian Peninsula is an old one: it had been
one of the most commercially influential regions in the Roman Empire, and the
Iberian cities remained even after the fall of the Roman
Empire. Roman historian Pliny described and praised the products
from Iberia. The important facts about the
Muslim rule in the region can be summarized in two: first, while the commercial
activities in the other regions of Christian Europe had largely waned and the
long-distance international trade was virtually extinct during the Middle Ages,
the region could enjoy the international trade and Andalusi commerce could
thrive internationally. These abundant mercantile activities helped the cities
and ports of the regions become a larger trading center, and this in turn made
the cities in Al-Andalus more populated and more developed. Second, while the
construction of the cities in the other regions of Europe was largely restrained, Al-Andalus saw the most
active construction of new towns and cities, thus making the region heavily
populated.
While the northern region of Spain was thinly populated,
Al-Andalus was heavily populated. This was primarily because of the advanced
level of Muslim civilization and economy. From the Muslim conquest of the region
in the 8th century, various Muslims from various parts of Islamic
world came into Al-Andalus, and this migration was in fact recommended by the
caliphates over time. The Muslim immigrants settled in the region and thus built
many towns. The caliphates were religiously tolerant and many Christian people
were also living in the region. Christian kingdoms of the North, on the other
hand, did not escape from the manor system and its commerce and industry was far
less developed than those of the Islamic caliphate; thus, the Christian kingdoms
did not see the rise of major towns. Even after the reconquista, the towns
remained in the region and Al-Andalus would remain as the most heavily populated
region in Spain for centuries to
come.
Other regions of Christian Europe, such as Sicly and Corsica, were also temporarily under the Muslim rule.
However, the Muslim rules in these regions were relatively shorter than the
Muslim rule in Al-Andalus. There are evidences of Muslim settlements, but there
were no constructions of major cities that could vitalize the commerce. The
sparse Muslim settlements, moreover, were not protected and kept but were in
most cases destroyed later by the Christians who took the territories from
Muslims. Al-Andalus, however, saw the large extent of urbanization. The region
flourished even after the completion of reconquista, the commercial tradition
shaped by the Muslims was kept, and the cities built by the Muslims survived.
Al-Andalus remained an important commercial center for a long
time.
2. Trades
The conquest of Muslims of various regions of
Europe had actually ceased the major
long-distance trade of the Christian Europeans overseas for a while and the
commerce of Christian Europe had been limited to the local ones. But the regions
which were under Islamic rules were included in the commercial sphere of the
Muslims—who were the most active
adventurers and entrepreneurs at the time—saw the rise of international and
complicated commercial activities. The international trades in Christian regions
were late to appear. The crusade created a large influx of Eastern goods and
luxuries into the Christian Europe. This created a large interest among rich
Europeans for the Eastern goods, and the Christian merchants saw this to be an
opportunity for a dramatic profit. As the merchants began to actively engage in
the trade with the Islamic world, the trade of the Christian states overseas
began to flourish. The leading states of the trade with the East were Italian
city-states, most notably Genoa and Venice. The extent of the
international trades before the 11th century, however, was nothing compared with
those of the Muslim world. The case of Al-Andalus indicates how well established
was the Andalusi merchants¡¯ trades compared with the
Europeans in the same era.
The region of Al-Andalus had been a hub for
the Islamic trade, and the long-distance trade of Andalusi merchants with the
other parts of Islamic world had accumulated large wealth in the region.
Al-Andalus traded both with Christian kingdoms at the Northern Spain and the various regions under Islamic rule.
So, it was a major market in which eastern goods were imported, Andalusi goods
were exported, and in which the Muslim merchants could get the commodities from
the Christian world, although the trade with the Christian kingdoms seems to be
not so extensive. The Christian commerce had not developed into international
extent actively until the 12thentury, so for the Christians, Al-Andalus was a
rare source from which the Christians could get the luxuries from the Islamic
world; thus, Al-Andalus was on more dominant position with the relationship with
the northern Christian kingdoms than with the Islamic regions. The trade going
on in Al-Andalus was a international one, and the Andalusi merchants sailed as
far as Constantinople. The large economic
sphere connecting markets of Al-Andalus,
Sicily-Tunisia, and Egypt was created, and the rare goods from the
further Eastern parts such as China or India could be obtained.
The first major international trade going on
in the region was the one with Maghrib. Andalusi merchants sailed to the various
ports of Maghrib, and this was in fact major source for them from which to
contact with the rest of the Islamic world. This was because of the regional
proximity. The distance between Al-Aldalus and Maghrib is not so far, and this
provided an ample opportunity for Andalusi merchants to get the goods from
Islamic world with ease. The sailing technique of the Andalusi merchants was
remarkable, but still, sailing across the Mediterranean to the easternmost parts for almost a month
might have been tedious process for them. So, the another probability is that
the Andalusi merchants sailed until the Maghribi ports, and then proceeded by
caravans to get to the further Eastern trading posts. By this process, Andalusi
merchants could remain in contact with the other parts of Islamic world even in
winter, when the long-distance sailing was highly undesirable.
The popularity of the Maghribi ports for the
Andalusi merchants changed over time. Tunis was not a popular trading post for
Andalusi merchants during the tenth century, probably because of Umayyad-Fatimid
hostilities going on, but became an important trading partner of Andalusi
merchants by the eleventh century. The trade routes became more complicated and
the trade became more extensive at that period. This fact might be owed to the
rise of the individual Taifa kingdoms in Al-Andalus. While the stable regime of
Umayyad caliphate had set trading partners, the individual Taifa kingdoms
developed their own ports and diversified their trade. In Almoravid and Almohad
periods, the number of routes between Al-Andalus and Maghrib seems to have
declined, primarily because the regimes in North
Africa sought to control commerce traffic by concentrating
long-range merchant activities to a few specified ports. But the amount of trade
seems to have increased during these periods, since the entire region was being
ruled by a single, united, and stable regime.
The Morrocan inland cities of Fez and
Marrakesh have
been important trading posts for Andalusi merchants, and their importance
increased further under the Almoravid and Almohad rules, since the regimes put
much prestige to the cities. So, the inland itinerary, starting from Ceuta or from other ports nearby, flourished and economic
connections existed between Al-Andalus, Fez,
Marrakesh, and regions further to the south, as
guessed from the discovery of coins molt from Andalusi cities in Awdaghost, a
region in inland part of North Africa.
Andalusi merchants also established bases in
the central Mediterranean, in Tunisia and pre-Norman Sicily. They ran their
businesses there and controlled the shipment of goods traveling between
Al-Andalus and the East. Andalusi economic influence was also apparent in the
deep inland areas of Africa, and even after the Norman conquest of Sicily, the region played an important rule in Andalusi
trade, and for foreign merchants Sicily actually served as a station for the
trade journey to Andalusi ports. Ships containing eastern goods passed these
regions until they finally reached Al-Andalus, and at the same time ships
containing goods from Al-Andalus also passed these regions to reach the further
Eastern ports such as Alexandria.
By this cross-Mediterranean channel, Andalusi
merchants remained in close contact with Egypt, and they
could also reach the other eastern regions of Islam. Andalusi connections with
the eastern Mediterranean were already
well-established in Umayyad period, and ample evidences exist that report the
arrival of Andalusi ships in Al-Andalus. Alexandria was the major trading port of Egypt, and Andalusi merchants advanced into the inland
Egypt by caravan from
Alexandria. The
regions further to the east were in the Andalusi merchants¡¯ reach. Andalusi merchants and
scholars often sought to learn useful knowledge and open business in the further
eastern inland regions such as Hijaz,
Iraq, and Aden. There is also
possibility that Andalusi merchants reached even further easternmost regions,
including India and
China; they might have
advanced across the land to the Islamic states of the Middle East and then
sailed from their ports to reach India and China.
The case of Al-Andalus shows how developed
was the international trades of the Muslims in the age when the Christian
maritime commercial activities were largely limited. By the Muslim conquest of
the significant portion of land of Christian
Europe, the sea trade was closed to serious extent,
and the international maritime trades in Christian Europe were greatly reduced.
Henri Pirenne, the renowned historian of all time, remarked on this situation:
¡°The Tyrrhenian Sea became a Moslem lake.¡± While the Islamic
merchants—Saracens who occupied the regions
around the Western Mediterranean, people of the East, the Andalusi people, and
the North Africans traded internationally through the Mediterranean, the Christian economy became parochial and
it was not until the new millennium that the Christian mercantile range
increased significantly. The religious difference and the strict religious
discipline of the Christian Europe prevented the commercial contacts of
Christian states with the Islamic world. Political discords between the
Christian states and the Islamic states also blocked the serious trade between
the two. In addition, commercial system and infrastructure of the Christian
world was yet to be organized, since the Medieval Christian Europe was stuck
with the economically ineffective manor system. Before the 11th century, the
major Christian maritime power remaining was the Byzantine
Empire, and the Christian part did not see the rise of the dominant
maritime power.
There were some global commercial activities
going on in the Christian world, however, before the Christians began to trade
over long distance, by the Jewish merchants. The Jews were also the first
merchants in the Middle Ages to introduce goods from the East to the Christian
Europeans. They supplied goods from the Islamic world as soon as the Carolingian
era. The Jews could travel to Europe with
relative ease. Some of them settled in Italy, but majority of them were
those who based their commerce in the Muslim countries. The Jews from the Muslim
world reached Western and Northern Europe through Spain.
At first, they exclusively traded spices, pepper, manufactured goods, and other
precious stuffs from Egypt,
Syria, and Maghrib. They provided the
goods to the churches which used the goods to make incense for religious
activities, and to the selected nobility. The Jewish commercial influence was
especially strong in Spain, a place where many Jews lived
They have earned great profit from these
trades. However, gradually, Christians began to control the trade to a great
extent and the Jews¡¯ participation in long-distance
trades diminished. The Jewish presence that was quite strong gradually waned,
and after the Italian merchants began to trade extensively, the Jewish trade
activity waned in Europe in general. The field
they constantly specialized in was usury, but their participation in the trade
with the Muslims decreased.
The first Italian city-state that started the
extensive trade with the Islamic world was Venice. While the city-states that later became
major nautical commercial powers, Genoa and Pisa, banned the trade with the
Islamic states because of political conflicts with them, the Venetians traded,
even though little in amount, with the Muslim merchants as early as 10thentury,
when the rest of the Christian Europe despised the trade with them. The
extensive trade created a rich class of merchants in the city, while the other
regions of Europe were largely bound by the
manorial system that was primarily agricultural.
Italian city-republics revived the
international Mediterranean trade with the East, and they played major roles in
reviving the extensive commercial system in Christian Europe itself. While the
international trades were virtually stopped in other regions of Christian
Europe, the Northern port cities of Italy began to trade with the Islamic
world to a large extent and accumulated significant wealth. The success of these
cities in turn aroused the interest of the other European states toward the
commercial contacts with the Islamic world.
The crusades, in turn, helped to change the
economic activity of Christian Europe. The
crusades ¡°enabled Western Europe to
monopolize the whole trade from the Bosphorus and Syria to the
Straits of Gibraltar.¡± Even if they failed to take the
holy place from the hands of Muslims, they politically weakened the powers of
the Islamic states and Byzantine Empire. The
Byzantine Empire¡¯s maritime power was weakened
seriously and their merchants now could not compete with the Italian rivals,
which now controlled the Byzantine
Empire¡¯s export and import trades. The
crusades also caused the large influx of Eastern luxuries into Christian Europe,
thus stimulating the interest of people for the trade with the Islamic world.
So, it is no exaggeration to say that the crusades were crucial factor in the
revival of extensive economic activities of Medieval Christian Europe.
The trades with the Islamic world at first
time were limited because of religious reason, and because of technical reasons,
but gradually the Italian merchants began to seek profits and the economic
incentives were large enough to overcome religious obstacles for greater
incomes. As a result, the Italian city-states rose as major maritime commercial
centers from 11th century, and the scope of their trades even exceeded that of
the Muslim ports. Examples of Genoa would indicate this
effectively.
Genoa had been a thriving commercial
port for a long time, but it traded only with Christian ports. The trades with
the Muslim ports were restricted by the government, nor did the Genoese
merchants sought to trade with the Muslim merchants. However, gradually, Genoese
merchants recognized that the trade with the Islamic world would be a source of
immense profits, and Genoa soon became the major
nautical mercantile power in the Mediterranean.
The following is the table that shows the flow of Genoese trade from 1191 to
1227.
|
|
1191 |
1200-3 |
1205-16 |
1214 |
1222-27 |
|
Destination |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Alexandria |
0% |
10.00% |
7.30% |
0.70% |
0.30% |
|
Bougie |
4.70% |
12.00% |
13.70% |
16.10% |
7.20% |
|
Ceuta |
10.60% |
14.00% |
13.00% |
4.20% |
14.40% |
|
Corsica |
0.10% |
7.00% |
2.70% |
0.20% |
2.50% |
|
France |
1.40% |
12.00% |
2.50% |
0.00% |
4.70% |
|
Maremma |
0.40% |
2.50% |
4.00% |
2.70% |
1.50% |
|
Naples |
8.10% |
20.00% |
1.50% |
0.00% |
4.80% |
|
Oltramare |
20.00% |
15.50% |
32.20% |
29.50% |
39.80% |
|
Romania |
17.00% |
0.70% |
0.00% |
0.00% |
0.00% |
|
Sardinia |
6.70% |
9.00% |
4.50% |
2.20% |
6.00% |
|
Sicily |
17.80% |
15.00% |
14.70% |
40.90% |
12.00% |
|
Spain |
2.10% |
3.00% |
0.40% |
0.00% |
0.40% |
|
Tunis |
3.30% |
0.40% |
0.50% |
0.10% |
5.50% |
|
Other |
7.80% |
0.50% |
1.20% |
3.40% |
0.70% |
<Table1> Genoese Trade from 1191 to
1227
Source: Abulafia, The Two Italies, p.
182
The table shows the trade relationship of Genoa with the Islamic ports. 1191 is the year
when the city of Acre was fallen to the hands of the crusades,
and the years listed are all the times in which crusaders were actively
participating in battles.
The sole trade partner that overwhelms all its counterparts is
¡®Oltramare¡¯, the ¡®beyond-the-sea(Outremer)¡¯, or the Latin kingdoms in the
Levant regions. The so-called ¡®Levant trade¡¯ was prevailing even from these
times. Merchants from Genoa could get an immense
profit from this Levant trade, since they could get goods from distant Eastern
states, such as Arabia, India, or China from this
region. Unlike previous situations, the trades with the Byzantine Empire were diminishing even before the
crusades, and the major trade partners with the Genoese merchants were the Latin
kingdoms. The journey to the east, however, was a tedious and long one. The fact
that the Levant kingdoms were the major trade
partners even if they were far away suggests that the sailing technologies of
Genoese merchants were developed to a significant degree. Indeed, the Genoese
ships could sail against the tide and wind. June was the time when the merchant
ships came back from the long journey. Considerable amounts of eastern luxuries
like spices or silk came into Genoa, and the main
provider of such goods was the Latin Kingdoms, which traded both with the
Islamic world and Genoa.
The trade with the Egypt fluctuated, depending on
political situations. In 1191, Genoa did not
trade with Alexandria at all since the crusade
movements made Egypt cease the trade relationship
officially. However, over time, Genoese merchants began to trade with the
Egyptian merchants, and this trade continued to prosper, and the route became
the most extensive trade route in the 14th century. The table shows
fluctuations in the trade with Alexandria, and
this is primarily because of the fluctuations in the trade with Alexandria, and this is
primarily because of the fluctuations in the political relationships between the
two.
The Genoese merchants traded mostly with Muslims in these times, since
the trade promised immense profits for them. The North African Muslim ports,
Ceuta, Bougie, Tunis, and Maremma are represented in the
table and they were major trade partners of Genoese merchants, primarily because
of regional proximity. The total proportion of the amount of trade of these
ports is significant. Genoese ships sailed to these ports abundantly and sold
and bought goods there.
Another table also indicates Genoa¡¯s close mercantile relationship
with the Islamic world. The table below is the record of numbers of contracts by
destination in 1184:
|
Destination |
No.
of spring contracts |
Late
summer contracts |
|
Ceuta |
4 |
1 |
|
Bougie |
2 |
1 |
|
Tunis |
5 |
- |
|
Alexandria |
1 |
6 |
|
Syria |
3 |
15 |
|
SICILY |
6 |
4 |
|
S.
ITALY |
1 |
2 |
|
Rome |
1 |
- |
|
Maremma |
4 |
12 |
|
Sardinia |
9 |
- |
|
Corsica |
6 |
1 |
|
Mallorca |
- |
1 |
|
Spain |
2 |
- |
|
Unknown |
- |
1 |
<Table2> Number of Genoese contracts by
destination in 1184
Source: Abulafia, The Two Italies, p.
161
The numbers of contracts show the trade
tendency of Genoa in the year of 1184. It is evident from
this table that the Genoese merchants then traded widely with the Muslim
regions. The North African Islamic ports, Ceuta, Bougie, and Tunis
are present as trade partners with Genoa in the year. Alexandria and Syria were also trade partners, and the regions
where the Muslim political influence was intense—Corsica, Spain, and Mallorca—are also included in the list. The
number of contracts with Islamic regions constitutes a large proportion of the
total number of contracts. In case of Alexandria
and Syria, the numbers of
winter contracts are notably much larger than those of the summer contracts, and
this is primarily because of regional distance, as it took long time for the
ships to sail from Genoa to the ports on the
eastern shore of the Mediterranean, so the
contracts were naturally signed lately. The merchants spent the rest of the
winter at their destinations and came back in spring.
The table below is another record that shows the strong mercantile
connection of the Genoese with the Muslims throughout the Mediterranean in 1186 from September to
December:
|
Destination |
Number
of Contracts |
Total
Value(in Lira) |
Average
investment(in Lira) |
%
of total |
|
Syria |
14 |
3,552.0 |
253.71 |
29.2 |
|
Sicily |
24 |
2,159.8 |
90 |
17.75 |
|
Constantinople |
16 |
2,118.0 |
132.37 |
17.41 |
|
Ceuta |
20 |
1,983.1 |
99.15 |
16.3 |
|
Naples |
9 |
672.5 |
74.72 |
5.52 |
|
Maghrib |
10 |
630.4 |
63.04 |
5.18 |
|
Maremma |
7 |
266.0 |
38 |
2.19 |
|
Alexandria |
5 |
246.6 |
49.32 |
2.02 |
|
Provence |
6 |
207.9 |
34.65 |
1.71 |
|
Sardinia |
4 |
188.2 |
no
record |
1.55 |
|
Rome |
3 |
140.6 |
no
record |
1.16 |
<Table 3> Genoese contracts in 1186,
from September to December
Source: The Two Italies,
p.166
Again, Genoa¡¯s strong commercial ties with the
Islamic regions are reflected. The most notable from the list is
Syria. The total value of trade with
Syria solely constitutes 29.2% of the
total, and the average investment for the trade is also the highest of all.
These shows how actively the Genoese merchants traded with Syrian merchants.
This is because the region of Syria acted as an intermediate for
the Genoese merchants to get access to the Eastern goods. Genoese merchants
could get rare Eastern goods from Syria, and this trade route was
lucrative; the Eastern luxuries such as spices could be traded at extremely high
prices, so the trade with Syrian merchants looked promising to Genoese traders.
The number of contracts with Syria is smaller than that with Sicily, Ceuta, and
Constantinople but the total value and average
investment are the highest. This fact indicates that the goods imported from
Syria were mainly the luxury goods
which cost very much. This table also shows that Ceuta, Maghrib, and Alexandria, all ruled by Muslims then, were
also serious commercial entities.
The following table shows the changes in commercial relation of
Genoa with
various trade partners from 1252 to 1313:
|
Destination |
1252-53 |
1270 |
1272-85 |
1307 |
1313 |
|
Alexandria |
0% |
0 |
36.7 |
0 |
0 |
|
Bougie |
10.1 |
0 |
0 |
0.8 |
4 |
|
Ceuta |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
Corsica |
0.8 |
0.2 |
0.5 |
0.4 |
0 |
|
France |
25.1 |
9.3 |
0.5 |
12 |
35.7 |
|
Genoa(a) |
0.2 |
0 |
15.5 |
8.3 |
11.8 |
|
Maremma |
0.2 |
0 |
1.1 |
0 |
0 |
|
Naples |
0 |
6.2 |
0 |
0 |
0.1 |
|
Oltremare |
26.4 |
26 |
0.5 |
24.2 |
0.7 |
|
Romania |
0 |
24.5 |
18.6 |
18.2 |
22.2 |
|
Sardinia |
1.3 |
3.1 |
2.5 |
10.7 |
0 |
|
Sicily |
4.4 |
15.7 |
0.3 |
1.1 |
5.6 |
|
Spain |
2 |
1.2 |
0 |
0 |
9.6 |
|
Tunis |
15 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
Other |
12 |
0.7 |
22.7 |
1.5 |
7.1 |
|
Unknown |
2.5 |
13.1 |
1.1 |
22.8 |
3.2 |
<Table 4> Genoese commercial connection
with various ports, 1252-1313
Source: Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese,
p.142
((a) Genoa and
Riviera)
The table shows dramatically vibrant trade
patterns. Alexandria, Bougie, Maremma, Oltramare,
and Tunis show
the most changes in the amount of trades, sometimes with no trades going on and
sometimes with high percentage of the total trades. The trades with the Muslim
world were subject to many factors: the political situation, weather, prospect
of profit, and so on. The table shows that the trades going on in general were
not always stable; they changed a lot. The trades going on in the era were not
always regular and varied much; in 1270 and 1307, for example, there were almost
no trades going on between Genoa and the Muslim ports. However, it can be
shown that the Muslim ports were always trade partners with the Genoese and
Genoese merchants earned very much from the trades.
The fact that Genoa had traded regularly with the Muslims is
evident, as it is demonstrated by the tables above. The tables indicate the deep
commercial connection of the Genoese merchants with the Muslim merchants.
Genoa had apparently been a large port and had
traded with various parts of the Mediterranean.
The comparable Muslim ports were only the largest ones like Alexandria, as Genoese
trades had become much larger and much broader.
Venice was also a leading trade partner
with the Muslim merchants and they often competed with Genoa. Venice was a larger city than Genoa was, and it grew to be a large port in the process
just like Genoa: as its merchants actively
engaged in trades with the Muslim merchants, large wealth was accumulated and
Venice naturally became the largest commercial
center then of Europe. This made people move to
the city of Venice and it became the largest
port of
Mediterranean, and its
commercial activities had surpassed even those of largest Muslim ports. It is no
exaggeration to say that the sole factor that made Venice grow into a
metropolis was commerce, and the major objects of its commerce were the Muslim
ports.
The major Christian ports of Mediterranean grew to be major maritime commercial
centers, and by the 13th century, they became the largest ports, even surpassing
the sizes of major Muslim ports. The major Christian ports also possessed large
units of fleet, thus the Muslims could not neglect the ports¡¯ presence. The major Christian
ports, most apparently Genoa and Venice, grew by the
commercial relationship with the Muslims, and thus it can be said that the
Muslim ports were the factors that further advanced the commercial activities of
Christian European ports.
3. Goods Traded
The most active trade going on between the
European merchants and the Muslims was the Levant trade, by which traders from
major Italian ports such as Genoa, Venice, and Pisa directly obtained the goods from the East.
The goods from the East were the kinds the Christian Europeans have not seen
before, and this spectacular rarity sparked enthusiasm among the European
merchants to seek trade with the Muslim merchants. The goods the Europeans
imported from the Muslim merchants were mainly treated as luxuries, while the
goods the Europeans exported were basic goods, as they were not so developed as
to produce goods compatible with the luxuries from the East.
The one commodity that can represent the
whole commercial flow of the medieval maritime trade is the spice. Spice was
then one of the most coveted luxuries for the European nobility. Spices could
add the unprecedented flavor for the cuisine of the nobles, and possessing
spices was considered as a sign of social supremacy and wealth. However, no
spices were indigenous to Europe, so spices
were extremely rare in the continent. The only way to get spices was through the
trade with the East, where spices were abundant. It was spices that facilitated
the active participation of Europeans in the Levant trade, as variety of spices
from the farther East, such as India or China, could be procured in the
region. Also, the benefits from the spice trade were enormous: spices could be
sold at roughly about 50 times the price they were bought. Thus, the spice
created great incentive for Europeans to seek long-distance trade with the
Muslim merchants. Hundreds of tons of cinnamon, pepper, nutmeg, sucarcane, and
so on were traded.
This spice trade had accumulated a large
wealth for the Italian port cities, and it was the main source of income for
them. The spice trade with the East through Mediterranean continued throughout the Late Middle Ages.
The Italian dominance in the spice trade, however, was diminished as the new
trade routes over the Atlantic were established by the Portuguese and
Spain. It was now Portuguese who
mainly controlled the spice trade with the East.
Another good that was imported from the East
was silk. Silk, like spices, could not be obtained from European continent at
the first time, since the silkworm, which produces raw silk, was not indigenous
to European continent. So, the only way from which Europeans could get the silk
was the trade with the East. The caravans from China continuously provided silk to the Muslim
world by the Silk Road, and European merchants,
especially those of Italian maritime city-states, could get access to silk by
the trade with Muslim merchants. Silk was a much coveted commodity for rich
Europeans, and this large demand, just like the case of spice, made the trade
extremely lucrative. Thus, the Italian merchants, who led the trade with the
Muslim world at the time, could profit very much from the silk trade.
Europeans, gradually, developed the skills to
produce silks by themselves, and this silk manufacture became popular throughout
the continent. As a result, the raw silk, instead of the silk fabric, began to
be imported, and the price of silk went down. The leading European manufacturer
was Italy, and the technique
spread into many parts of Europe.
Likewise, cotton was also one of the major
goods the European merchants imported from the Muslim world. Cotton was crucial
in everyday life, so the demand for cotton in Europe was high. Muslim merchants could provide much
high-quality cotton for the Europeans—especially in North Africa the cotton was produced in large
quantity—the cotton trade could be a large
profit for European merchants. The Italian merchants bought cotton from the
Muslim merchants, and then it was distributed throughout the continent. Indeed,
the word cotton derives from the Arabic word cotone.
As the commercial relationship between the
Christians and Muslims became closer and closer, the variety of goods imported
also increased. The goods imported from the Muslim world include rice, oranges,
apricots, figs, raisins, perfumes, medicaments, and dyestuffs.
Manufactured goods from the East were also imported, such as damask from
Damascus, baldachins from Baghdad, muslins from Mosul
and gauzes from Gaza.
These goods were later imitated in Europe, and
European manufactures of imitations these goods appeared. Many rare luxury goods
from the Muslim world were imported to be sold to the European riches, and they
soon became valuable addition to the European culture. The European contact with
various Arabic goods can be observed from the modern words whose origins are
Arabic. The words include divan, bazaar, artichoke, spinach, tarragon, orange,
alcove, arsenal, jar, magazine, syrup, taffetas, tare, tariff in English, and
douane, darse, gabelle, goudron, jupe, quintal, and recif in French. Much more
words other than these have originated from the Arabic names, and this fact
indicates the tight commercial involvement of Muslims with the Christian
Europeans in the Late Middle Ages.
Rice and lemon, which are used widely in
European cuisine, originated from the Muslim world. Muslims knew how to
cultivate rice. Around the 8th century, Muslims cultivated rice in
al-Andalus. Europeans did not grow rice in their territory. However, by the
15th century, rice was an important crop in Italy. French
farmers also cultivated rice. Rice was then spread to European colonies during
the age of exploration, and was one of the chief produced crops of plantations.
Lemons, which are supposed to have been originated from the Deccan Plateau in
India, were spread to the Muslim
world and Saladin, the great Muslim leader against Crusades, wrote about lemon.
The Europeans gradually grew lemon. In the mid-fifteenth century, lemon was
cultivated in Genoa; then, it was spread to the
whole Europe.
The word lemon, indeed, comes from the Persian Lima. Both lemon
and rice cultivation were especially developed in Italy, since its
climate was fit for effective growth of the both.
The goods imported from the Muslim world had
enriched the Christian European life in the Late Middle Ages, especially that of
Italians. Europeans, by the most basic rule of trade, had to trade their
commodities to get the goods from the Muslim merchants. Also, the Muslim world
proved to be a vast market for European exports, since its commercial system was
superior to that of contemporary Christian Europe. At first, Christian Europeans
in the Middle Age did not possess technology to produce the goods compatible
with the Eastern counterparts. As a result, Italians, who controlled the
Mediterranean trade with the Muslims, had to provide the basic commodities for
them. The most important commodity for Italians to sell at the beginning was
timber. Muslims needed timber, and it was often difficult to get natural access
to enough timber for Muslims around Mediterranean, as North Africa and
Syria lacked large forests. In
Europe, however, large forests continuously
supplied fine timber. Merchants from Italian maritime city-republics thus used
timber as the chief means of transaction.
Another commodity that Italian merchants sold
to the Muslim merchants was weapons. Fine iron was accessible in the European
continent, and Europeans possessed the technology to produce durable weapons.
The advantage of selling weapons was that it could be sold at higher price than
timber. So, Italian merchants at certain points of time sold weapons to the
Muslim merchants. However, moral questions were brought out, as selling weapons
could ultimately strengthen the Muslim army, who were potential enemies of
Christians. Weapons were sold rather sporadically, and did not turn out to be a
stable means of transition as timber was. Venetians, at the early phase of the
trade, Venetian merchants sold slaves from Balkan
Peninsula. Blonde girls, especially, were sold at a reasonable price
for the Muslim riches. However, this slave trade did not last long.
As European weaving technology improved
significantly, the woolen goods soon became the prime Italian export to the
Muslims. European woolen goods from the twelfth century possessed quality and
durability that the Muslims appreciated greatly. At first, fustians woven in
Italy were mainly traded. As the
weaving skills of the artisans of Flanders increased and Flanders became the center of woolen goods, Italian
merchants bought Flemish textiles and exported them to the Muslim world. The
Flemish textiles were unquestionable luxuries; they possessed unrivaled
flexibility, softness, and color, and its preeminence among other textiles could
be compared to that of spices among all foodstuffs. By selling Flemish goods to
the Muslim world, Italian merchants could pile up a large profit.
Metals, such as gold, silver, and iron, and gems, were also often sold to
Muslims. Since there were many good mines in Iberian Peninsula, Central Europe,
Italian Peninsula, and Eastern
Europe, metals and gems could become a chief trade means of the
European merchants. In fact, they were the classic medium of trade, as Romans
used the Spanish silver in trades with Asia.
4. Development of Economic Systems
The trade with the Muslim world went beyond
the difference in religious principles; although the Muslims were religiously
enemies, the Italian merchants opened new trade routes heading towards Muslim
ports, and this brought out global economic pattern that had not appeared for a
long time until then. This long-distance trade with the Muslim merchants was a
new thing, and it was a cause of many changes in the economic system.
The maritime trade with the Muslim merchants
made a new class of merchants who specialized in long-distance trade in Italian
city-states. The merchants in Italian maritime city-states such as Venice, Genoa, or Pisa knew how to maximize
profits, demand and supply goods, and manage the assets. They were
professionals, and they possessed skills and knowledge to effectively manage the
long-distance trade with the Muslims. They earned a large profit and lived
influential lives within the cities. This was a great change. While in other
regions of Europe did not still escape from the
manor system and the organized commercial activities were still limited, Italian
cities saw the rise of many merchants and the accumulation of large wealth. No
other region of Christian Europe possessed more wealth than the Italian cities,
and they were the best in commercial activities.
The commercial nature of Italian ports had
not been observed in the Middle Age. It had largely died out after the collapse
of the Roman Empire, and the global trades have
virtually stopped after the event. The economy of the Christian Europe remained
agricultural, and the commercial activities were done mainly through land.
Maritime commercial activities were limited to a regional scale, as Medieval
Europeans lacked both technology and incentive to sail a long distance for
trade. However, the presence of the commercial potential of the Muslim world
changed all of these. The trade with the Muslim world presented a lot of profit
and the opportunity to get exotic goods, so this was a great incentive for the
merchants. As a result, the Italian merchants sought a long-distance maritime
trade with the Muslim World. This was a great change. Italians, for the first
time after the fall of Roman Empire, sought
economic opportunity and transgressed the religious difference.
The Italian cities, as a result, became large
commercial centers while commercial activities other regions of Europe were virtually dormant. The population of Venice then is estimated to be over 100,000, and population
of Genoa and Pisa also increased dramatically. Much more
freedom was given to the citizens of the Italian cities than the inhabitants of
other parts of Christian Europe, and large group of free labor appeared. The
Italian cities became less reliant on serfdom, as they relied on commerce, not
agriculture, for their survival.
The ineffective manorial system decayed in
Italian peninsula, so it was freer to engage in various commercial activities.
Italy saw the fastest modification
from the manorial society to the urbanized one. The population density of the
Italian Peninsula was the highest of all Europe, and the
number of big cities in the Italian
Peninsula was greater than any other
region of Europe.
The commercial activities of Italian cities
were the most active in Europe in the Late
Middle Ages, so the financial and managerial skills were also the most
effective. The fortune of Italian cities was reliant not on agriculture, but on
commerce. Venice
serves as the most dramatic demonstration, as the landless city became the hub
of the Medieval Christian Europe by commercial venture. Venetian merchants
possessed skills and maneuvers to manage their enterprises, and Venetian nobles,
unlike those in the manors, possessed a large fleet of commercial galleys and
earned profit from trades. The most developed cities in the Medieval Christian
Europe were located almost exclusively in the Italian Peninsula, and they include Venice, Florence, Pisa, and Genoa. One thing common among them was that
they were commercial centers: Venice, Genoa, and Pisa were largest
trade port cities, and Florence was the hub of banking. The Italian
commercial tradition was truly outstanding within Europe, and this is
demonstrated by the fact that the nobles of Italy lived
within the city walls. Nobles in other regions of Christian Europe lived in
manors and relied on agriculture; the cities were haven for the commoners, and
nobles¡¯ influence was weak within them.
On the other hand, the Italian nobles dwelled in the cities and owned commerce.
They owned large fleets of commercial galleys and managed trades. This was a
great difference, and this is rather modern, since the Italians had already
recognized the importance of commerce, sought benefit over the religious
principles, and actively engaged in the global commercial activities.
The trade with the Muslim world was a tedious
one; the distance was enormous at that age, as most of the nautical activities
were local at best, pertaining to the nearby shores. Sails to the Muslim ports,
however, could take months during its entire course. They were also much more
dangerous, as the galleys were subject to various natural disasters during the
voyage. There were also dangers of piracy, as the Mediterranean was the home to many pirates, both Christian
and Muslim. The pirates not only took the all cargos but also sometimes enslaved
the sailors, posing serious problem to the trade. To make the trades with the
Muslim merchants successful, development in sailing technologies and protection
of the galleys were necessary. As a result, the means of long-distance trade
changed from small groups of ships to large fleets, consisting of the ships that
carried the cargo and the ships that protected them. The fleets, which were
owned by magnates or nobles, could defeat pirates, safely arrive at the
destination, and return without being threatened. This fleet system minimized
the threat of piracy and facilitated the Mediterranean trade to a great extent.
These dramatic changes that happened in the
Italian Peninsula was a precursor to the other economic
alterations happened throughout Europe. Italian
cities led the commercial revival in Europe as
they reestablished the long-distance trade routes, imported rare commodities,
and circulated a large sum of money. Europe was
gradually modified from the manorial system to the liberal, effective commercial
one. The main reason for the revival of commerce among the Italian cities was
the presence of the Muslim world; thus, it is no exaggeration to say that the
Muslim world shaped the economic nature of Europe. This commercial nature of the Italian cities led
the Renaissance, in which the entire Europe was revolutionized in every way, and
Europe soon became the economic powerhouse that
became the strongest in the world.
Conclusion
Christians and Muslims have been enemies by
principles. Moreover, as the Middle Age was the time when the religion affected
the lives of Christians most significantly, the Muslims were considered evil by
Christians. This aversion of Christians toward Muslims, however, could not stop
the economic interest of the Christian merchants, and the new pattern of global
trade appeared.
The Muslim world indeed acted as an important
trade partner of Europe in the Late Middle Age.
They facilitated the European trade and thus strengthened its economy. Also,
they provided the goods that were not available in Europe, and this fact made
Europe a favorite place for European merchants.
The religious principle could not separate the two. The trades between Europe
and the Muslim World sometimes stopped because of political situations, and were
greatly reduced when the Turkish soldiers occupied Constantinople and destroyed
Byzantine Empire. However, it is evident that
the two had long-time economic connections, and such connectivity helped the
European economy a lot.
The Muslim occupation of certain areas of
Europe actually helped the regions to urbanize.
Muslims in the Middle Age possessed better construction techniques and better
infrastructure, making it easier for them to build new cities. Muslims who
settled in the various parts of Christian Europe built new cities and
settlements. The population density was higher than that of other parts of
Christian Europe. When the Christians retook the regions, they remained more
developed.
The Muslims indeed had great economic impact
on Christian Europe in a beneficial way. Without Muslims, the Christian society
might not have escaped from the manorial system and the economy of it might not
have developed to the degree they enjoyed after the Renaissance. The economic
relationship between Christians and Muslims was symbiotic, and the role the
Muslim society had on the development of Christian economy should be
appreciated.
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