A Survey of Fascism (1928)


Korean Minjok Leadership Academy
JJW



Table of Contents


Presentation , September 23rd 2009
Outline , March 4th 2009
Other Publications by the Authors, Oct. 31st 2008
Organisation of the ICFS , Oct. 31st 2008
Yearbook, Table of Contents , Oct. 31st 2008



Presentation . . . go to Teacher's comment

Analysis of The International Centre of Fascist Studies and Its 1928 Yearbook: Survey of Fascism

Abstract
In 1928, only six years after the Fascisti took over the Italian Parliament, former ministers, university professors, and those with specialized knowledge on fascism published a yearbook titled Survey of Fascism: Vol I. The International Centre of Fascist Studies (Cinef), from its headquarters in Lausanne, Switzerland, proposed Fascism as a political model for other states under the threat of Socialism to follow. Having examining only the events from 1920 to 1928 for a more objective historical perspective, Fascism in Italy did bring about stability and economic development. Nevertheless, because members of Cinef were proponents of fascism, the Yearbook is not objective as it should be and is disproportionately favorable towards Fascism. Despite the biases presented, Cinef did play a role in gathering extreme-rightists from various European nations such as Great Britain and Ireland.

1. INTRODUCTION
The word ¡®fascism¡¯ sounds several alarms, such as ¡®dictatorship¡¯, ¡®totalitarian'. In fact, in a world where democracy seems to be regarded as the best form of government, Italian Fascism is discounted for its reliance on heavy propaganda and suppression of civil rights. On the other hand, ¡®socialism¡¯ is a smoke-signal word for ¡®Bolshevism¡¯ and ¡®communism¡¯, words that evoke images of an Orwellian dystopia for most parts of the world. Post-WWI Italy was confronted with more than a thousand labor strikes every year, a failing economy spiraling into depression, and a dysfunctional government that had no control over the rising working class. In more ways than one, the Fascisti movement may have seemed appealing at the time to the Italian middle class. In fact, before the stock market crash of 1929 and the rise of Nazi Germany, an institution named Cinef released in 1928 a Yearbook dedicated to the study and understanding of Italian Fascism both as a political phenomenon and as a political model for other nations to follow. Looking beyond hindsight of the fall of Italian Fascism, this study will examine post-war Italy from 1920 to 1928, see whether Italian Fascism was a viable solution, and evaluate the significance of Cinef and its Yearbook published in 1928.

2. THE PURPOSE OF CINEF AND THE YEARBOOK
Cinef is the acronym for the International Centre of Fascist Studies, an institution organized in 1927 for the purpose of objectively researching fascism and disseminating the acquired information to anyone interested in the topic. The objective of Cinef is stated in the preface of the Yearbook by the President of the Executive Council of Cinef, H. De Vries De Heekelingen:
¡°Today we find ourselves in the presence of one of the most interesting social and political movements of the century, namely Fascism. In order not to lose ourselves in this labyrinth [of data], a guide has indeed become indispensable; and the International Centre of Fascist Studies (Cinef) has been founded for the purpose of providing this service to all honest searchers after the truth all the world over.
It is important to make it plain at the outset that the Cinef is in no sense an organ of propaganda. The international character of its Governing Body and the very divergent political opinions of its members constitute a guarantee of rigourous impartiality. The Institute proposes to publish, besides, a continuous "Survey of Fascism" in the form of a Year Book, of which the present volume is the first number. The contributors to the Year Books will be those persons indicated as pre-eminently entitled to speak with authority upon the various subject treated."

However, as convincingly as the preface conveys Cinef council members¡¯ deep desire to give accurate and unadulterated information about fascism, other sources discount the veracity of Cinef. One political science text says otherwise:
"In Europe during the early 1930s there were countless organizations established to study, encourage, and promote fascism. A major group of this type was the Centre International d¡¯Etudes sur la Fascisme (Cinef) based in Lausanne, Switzerland. The official reason for existence is fairly innocuous. Behind the veneer lay a far greater emphasis on the positive nature of fascism. The journal constantly stressed the uniqueness of Italian Fascism as a way for other nations to solve their own problems."
Though Cinef has been criticized as an organ of propaganda, it is also important to acknowledge the fact that Italy, Ireland, Spain and other European nations in the aftermath of World War I had experienced bouts of Socialist and Communist uprisings, and therefore Italian Fascism may as well have been a model for other nations. Additionally, without the hindsight of the Great Depression and the rise of Nazi Germany, after the Fascisti took power, Italy did indeed experience a rise in its national income as well as increased industrial production levels. To better assess the purpose of Cinef, it is important to take a look at the members of Cinef, their personal backgrounds, and their political leaning.

3. THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF CINEF
The International Centre of Fascist Studies fulfilled its goals and objectives by publishing a yearbook, holding council meetings, and also by publishing journals with key articles that were gleaned to form the yearbook itself. Not only that, Cinef formed an international governing body with members of all European nationalities, with former ministers and notable professors of the academia. The Cinef also held meetings in Lausanne, Switzerland. Finally, the organization¡¯s very first yearbook was published in New York and translated into English so as to make it available to even the democratic states such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Ireland. What Cinef could not do as an academic body, the powerful executive members could enforce through their political maneuverings and high influence over the interested public.
In particular, the governing body of Cinef was comprised of significant individuals including former cabinet members, politicians, and politicians who were renowned in their fields. H. De Vries de Heekelingen was the President of the Executive Council, and the former Professor at the University of Nijmegen; Giovanni Gentile was formerly Italy¡¯s Minister of Education under Mussolini, a member of the Italian Sentate, professor at the University of Rome and a member of the Grand Fascist Council; Edmund Gardner was a professor at the University of London; Walter Starkie was a Professor at Trinity College, Dublin; Lord Sydenham was from London; Count Paul Teleki was the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, as well as the professor at the University of Budapest; J.S. Barnes, the key translator for non-English writers, was the Secretary-General of Cinef and well-known among the far-right in Great Britain.
Some of the above members had notable personal backgrounds as well as policies they implemented. The Secretary-General of Cinef, J. S. Barnes seems to have been a committed follower of the Fascisti :
"Barnes was an Anglo-Indian who had been brought up in Italy by his grandparents. He would soon become infatuated with fascism, becoming a member of the Partito Nazionale Fascista (PNF) and a friend of Mussolini."
According to British Fascism 1918-1939: Parties, Ideology, and Culture, Barnes was a right-wing Catholic who believed that the modern era needed to return to the philosophical values of the Catholic Middle Ages, a "spiritual, dualistic, and trancendental outlook on life" that had been all but destroyed by the Renaissance and the modern secular age of liberalism. For Barnes, Fascism was "a definite revolt against materialism, that is, against all forms of interpreting the universe from a purely naturalistic or purely individualistic standpoint." J. S. Barnes was surprisingly a great admirer of the Jews, and considered the 'anti-semite' to be a 'fool.' Though a syndicate of Fascism, he nevertheless supported it for its anti-material and anti-liberal characters, two considerable aspects for any form of government.
Another important member on the executive council was Signor Gentile, the former Minister of Public Instruction under Mussolini's cabinet in 1923. As minister, Gentile had instituted radical educational reforms: 1) suppressing superfluous schools, 2) mandating compulsory religious education, with the crucifix to be displayed in all schools, 3) limiting the number of students who could receive free education at the expense of the state (only those students who had shown through competitive examinations that they were worth educating could obtain free education), 4) restorating the study of Latin in all the schools that prepared for the universities, and 5) requiring that students in order to continue their studies must pass all the examinations of the preceding year.
Other members of Cinef such as Walter Starkie, Edmundo Rossini, Lord Sydenham of Combe of the Britons, and Professor Edmund Gardner were also not objective scholars of fascism, but political advocates devoted to spreading its cause in Great Britain.

4. ON ITALIAN FASCISM AS SEEN IN THE 1920s

4.1. PROBLEMS IN THE STATUS QUO: 1920-1922
The economy was at a virtual standstill. In 1919-1920, factories were severely hampered in the matter of production on account of the constant shortage of raw materials (steel and coal) and repeated labor troubles, resulting in long-drawn-out strikes and enforced periods of idleness. Rehabilitaiton was slow and the government had a deficit of about 14 billion lire.
The government was nearly dysfunctional. After railway and postal strikes paralyzed the industry during January 1920, and the discontent of the working classes, Prime Minister Nitti was forced to re-organize his cabinet in March, but in the end, the government could not stand in the face of the Socialist opposition and resigned. A new ministry was formed under the former Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti, with the cabinet including Liberal, Catholic, Radical, and Socialist members.
Thirdly, there was an agrarian revolution combined with Socialist efforts to take over the government. Seizure of landed estates by the peasants developed into a systematic movement and new local authorities supplanted the central government. The Socialists had taken advantage of this and urged the peasant to assume ownership of the land. The center of the new movement was Bologna. The adherents flew the red flag with the inscription "Requisitioned by such and such a Cooperative." These acts were ratified in many instances by the Socialist authorities. The individual right to property in the province had ceased to exist. It was a system of collective purchase and collective farming. The unions fought against any attempt to build up private property in land.
The government had lost control over the proletariat labor class, and therefore had lost control over the industries as well. By September 1920, a large number of factories esp. in the metal-working region were in the hands of the workingmen and on many of them red flags were flying. The General Confederation of Labor as represented by the Commission of Workers drew up a program containing provisions guaranteeing more labor rights such as increased wages, reduced working hours, and recognition of labor unions. In industry the mass of the workingmen were gaining the upper hand. There was a considerable Communist element in the Italian labor movement. Italian Socialists threatened to turn it into a social revolution after the model of Russia, and there were many radical sympathizers with the government of Lenin.
In 1921, the economic situation, much like that of the previous year, was deplorable, with the number of unemployed by the end of the year being 512,000, affected by mostly the metal-working, textile, and building industries. Not to mention, the inopportune drought of 1921 meant the lack of sufficient water supply to continue industrial plants at a full running capacity. This reduced the number of working hours considerably in certain industries.
The government once again underwent a change in the ministry. Prime Minister was Giovanni Giolitti. However, the parliament was once again dissolved for new elections. A new government was formed under Prime Minister Bonomi. The government, time after time, proved itself unable to win a vote of confidence, therefore showing itself to be a weak institution without control over the national civil war between the Socialists and the Fascisti.
In 1922, once again economic development was stymied by the industrial crisis caused by lack of resources and lack of government control over the strikers. While the World War had greatly stimulated the extraction of certain metals such as iron ore and copper, the industrial crisis made it impossible to keep production up to the high level that it had reached during the war, or even up to the prewar levels. In 1913, Italy produced 603,116 metric tons of iron ore; in 1918, 694,677; finally, in 1921 it produced a mere 279,980 metric tons. Similarly for copper, it produced 89,487 metric tons in 1913; 82,302 in 1918; and only 22,700 in 1921.
The number of strikes in Italy registered by the Director General of Works in 1921, was 1045, and the workmen who participated numbered 644,564, while the aggregate time lost was equivalent to 7,772,820 days. Compared with the average for the 10-year pre-war period from 1905 to 1914, the 1921 statistics showed an increase of 152 strikes and 428,559 strikers. The strikes were directly due to the industrial crisis. In the first 6 months of the year there were 392 strikes occasioned by laborers' desire for increased wages or indemnity for the high cost of living. The estimated deficit for 1922-1923 of 2.8 billion lire was afterwards increased to 5 billion lire, and the estimate for 1921-1922 of 4.9 billion lire was increased to 6.5 billion.

4.2 THE RISE OF THE FASCISTI MOVEMENT
During 1920, as an offset to the Red movements, the Fascisti organization grew in power. It had no definite programme but had a strong national spirit. The Fascisti directed their efforts to counteracting the extreme Communists and Socialists. The central government (Bonomi) was regarded almost criminally negligent, so the Fascisti organized a repressive movement in the northern provinces against the radicals. Bands of young men called 'Blackshirts' seized Socialist headquarters. By May 1920 the Fascisti had organizations in all the towns of northern and central Italy.
There was another severe conflict in Rome on July 26th. Early in November, there was a strike on the railways which resulted in disturbances in Rome. The strike was followed by a declaration of a general strike, and the city for a time was without newspapers, the employees in the newspaper offices having joined the stikers. The movement was largely directed against the Fascisti, the trades unions declaring their intention to continue the strike until all the members of the Fascisti had left the capital.
In general the Communists appeared to be losing ground. Their attempt to develop a military organization which would offset the Fascisti proved unsuccessful. Also, one of the members of the Fascisti issued a statement in which he sought to explain their programme and prevent misunderstandings. Meanwhile the Communist movement was offset by the unwillingness of the moderate Socialists. On August 20, the Communists called for a general strike, but this was opposed by the Labor Confederation which formerly had been on the side of the radical element.
Throughout the year there was a state bordering on anarchy, as the government was unable to enforce its authority over either the Communists or the Fascisti, who waged war on one another. As time went on, the lawlessness of the Communists sank into comparatively insignificance beside the growing power of the Fascisti, who became the chief political force in the Italian state.
After World War I, Italy seemed to be on the borderline of a Socialist takeover. However, the Giolitti government seemed unable to cope with the situation and it tolerated disorders in order not to provoke a conflict. Since the government could not deal with the radicals, the Fascisti, a loose body aiming to suppress violence by violence and opposing to the extremes of Socialism, rose in power.
The acts of violence on the part of the Fascisti became more frequent and their power during the summer and autumn of 1922 rapidly increased. In August 1922, 12,000 workmen of the port of Genoa, under the control of the Fascisti drove out the Socialist officials there. In August 21, the Italian railway men abandoned their alliance with labor and Socialism in favor of affiliation with the Fascisti. These movements were furthered by the policy of the leader of the Fascisti, Signor Mussolini, who promosed a complete change of the organization's attitude toward the Labor confederation if it would abolish the Socialist party.
The Fascisti gained public support precisely because it had usurped the powerless government and had acted in its place. Large contributions were received from the industries, and gradually the peasants came in large numbers to the side of the Fascisti. The Fascisti were successful in abolishing lockouts as well as strikes, and the forced the landed proprietors to bring uncultivated estates under cultivation, and gave employment to labor. They also took over the running of factories and estates, giving their owners a share of their profits. They also did find the need to reestablish labor unions, but under the condition that it should be forbidden to strike or to carry out the policy of direct action. The ultimate aim of the Fascisti was to take possession of the government. Their leader, Mussolini, declared at Milan, October 5, that there were two governments in Italy, a fictitious one led by Facta, and a real one run by the Fascisti. Meanwhile the Fascisti was made into an efficient military organization.

4.3 ACCESSION OF MUSSOLINI AND¡¡SUBSEQUENT CHANGES
The congress of the Fascisti at Naples on October 24 made it clear that they were planning to take control. It demanded that the king should invite Mussolini to form a government. There was a panic in the cabinet and the entire ministry resigned, but the king invited Mussolini to Rome. Mussolini arrived at Rome in October 30 and received an enthusiastic welcome from the crowd. Mussolini had 500,000 Black Shirts ready to fight on his behalf. There was no need for even a parliamentary majority, as a single master presented a program that he intended to execute.
The Fascisti state was conciliatory in the beginning, and surprised many with the moderation of its policy. The new prime minister promised to put an end to the conditions of terrorism, to insure respect for the laws and constitution, attempted to group the various trade union organizations in a confederation with a view to promoting harmony and even granted general amnesty for all. He rather seemed to be promoting a strong, liberal government.
However, Mussolini changed his policy to become more extremist as the extremists in the party attacked the policy of compromise. He feared an anti-Fascisti opposition. A minoirty seemed ready to unite with the Communists, and the majority seemed inclined toward trade unionism under D'Annunzio. Not to mention, there was political division among the Fascisti themselves and the great industrial leaders who had supported Fascism feared the massing of powerful trade unions, as it would impede the financial measures promised by Mussolini, which was to take the lowest possible direct taxes and the highest possible indirect taxes, which would involve lower wages and longer hours.
Mussolini then demanded full powers from Parliament, in order to suppress the secret intrigues of the opponents of the Fascisti state. This was seen as the Second Revolution, after the March on Rome (the first revolution). On December 16, a great council of Fascisti met under the presidency of Mussolini, and taking the place of the regular government, decided on a course that increased the dictatorial power of the Fascisti rulers in Italy. It decided to suppress all armed organizations, whether Fascisti, Nationalists, or followers of D'Annunzio, but at the same time to build a national militia of 80,000 men to consist exclusively of Fascisti and to be under the orders of the president of the council, namely Mussolini. Trade unions inclined favorably to Fascisti broke off all their negotiations with other trade unions and became and independent part of the Fascisti organization. Not only that, the official organ of the Fascisti, the Popolo d'Italia, openly demanded the suppression of freedom of the press and called for the death penalty for those opponents of Fascism, who had been spared after the revolution of October 27. Many opponents at the end of the year were leaving Italy by 1922.
While the anti-democratic movement of Bolshevism was opposed by all the governments in Europe, Fascism on the other hand was viewed favorably as a counteractive force against Socialism.

5. WHY FASCISM COULD HAVE BEEN A SOLUTION
There are three primary reasons as to why Italian Fascism was seen as a relative success by Cinef: 1) values promoted, 2) relatively peaceful transition, 3) huge empirical success in Italy as seen in the economic development and political stability attained since Mussolini's rule in 1922. The values of Fascism were seen as principles that went directly against individualism and Humanism, the latter two being ideologies that went on to create the "present menace of a dictatorship of the proletariat." In fact, Cinef celebrated Fascism as a principle based upon "eternal" values very different from those proclaimed as "eternal" in 1789 (French Revolution ideals of Equality, Liberty, and Fraternity), and also reveled that the old principle looked to the definite closing of the individualistic era.
Secondly, Italian Fascism was seen by Cinef as a relatively peaceful revolution. The Yearbook admitted that "Fascism established itself in Italy as the result of a violent revolution, provoked by the threat of Communism. For a considerable time the country was virtually in a state of civil war." At the same time, the Yearbook takes note of the fact that the revolution of 1789 in France or that of 1917 in Russia were far more violent than the Italian Revolution, despite the fact that all three reforms brought about equally great changes onto the lives of its citizens.
Perhaps most importantly, Fascism in Italy brought significant benefits to the state in terms of economic development and political stability. Only two years after Mussolini's rule, the unemployment rate in Italy decreased by half to a total of 119,000 unemployed in September 30, 1924, as compared to 473,000 in September 1924. According to the United States Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, with few exceptions the principal industires of Italy prospered and developed. The metallurgical industry recovered largely from its depression, and the textile industry production actually surpassed that of England's.
On the other hand, Cinef neglected to address the infamous Matteotti Murder of June 1924, in which the young Socialist deputy Matteoti was seized by five assailants related to Mussolini's party and was killed after struggle. Additionally, the extreme element of the Fascisti favored a rigid control of the press, severe penalties for the circulation of false news pertaining to civil disorder, and government intervention in all labor contracts and sentencing the death penalty for persons seeking to betray the nation.
However, Cinef had a firm stance on the issue of "individual rights and liberty." In an article titled "The Liberty of the Press", Cinef member Ermanno Amicucci quoted Fascist Italian Senator Tanari from a debate on the fascist press limitation law: "The idea of liberty is in itself an abstract one. Political liberty falls into two subdivisions: there are the liberties of the private citizen on the one hand, and on the other, the corresponding and even more justifiable liberties of the State, the authority of which, at a given historical moment, is acknowledged by the vast majority of citizens." In short, Cinef felt no moral qualms about downgrading "democracy" or "individual rights" as these words held no real benefits for the people, who would only abuse their conferred rights to make matters difficult for the government. The dangerous strikes of the proletariat and Socialist tendencies had in fact, sprung from the working class' insistence on more worker rights at the expense of the nation.

7. IMPACT OF CINEF
Cinef is now a defunct organization that is no longer in existence, but during its active days in the 1920s, it was able to impact British fascism in several ways. By publishing its activities it provided an important source of propaganda for the far-rightists of Britain who had wanted to learn about fascism from a solid theoretical and intellectual point of view. The intellectual body comprising Cinef gave the entity much credibility. Also, Cinef went on to influence other pro-fascist bodies, such as the Liberty League of Great Britain, organized by former-Cinef member Lord Sydenham of Combe, a former Governor of Victoria, Australia, and Madras, and a prominent anti-semite. Other than the Liberty League, various small fascist organizations such as the Imperial Fascist League, National Political League, and the National Propaganda Movement Central were all influenced by the works published by Cinef.

8. REFERENCES
1. CINEF, A Survey of Fascism, The Year Book of the International Centre of Fascist Studies, Volume I, 1928. Ernest Benn Limited. Hazell, Watson & Viney Ld. London and Aylesbury.
2. Griffin, Roger. Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science, p.225
3. Linehan, Thomas. British Fascism 1918-39: Parties, Ideology and Culture. Studies in Modern History, p.46, p.74, pp.128-130, p.194
4. International Historical Statistics: Europe 1750-1988. p.160, p.842, p.849, p.895
5. The New International Year Book (1920). Dodd, Mead & Co. New York
6. The New International Year Book (1921). Dodd, Mead & Co. New York
7. The New International Year Book (1922). Dodd, Mead & Co. New York
8. The New International Year Book (1923). Dodd, Mead & Co. New York
9. The New International Year Book (1924). Dodd, Mead & Co. New York
10. The New International Year Book (1925). Dodd, Mead & Co. New York
11. The New International Year Book (1926). Dodd, Mead & Co. New York
12. The New International Year Book (1927). Dodd, Mead & Co. New York
13. The New International Year Book (1928). Dodd, Mead & Co. New York



Outline . . . go to Teacher's comment

     Introduction
          Why I chose to write a research paper about Cinef and its 1928 Yearbook Vol. I
          Historiography: knowledge with and without hindsight
          Questions I will try to answer
               Was Italian Fascism a viable solution ?
               What was the significance of Cinef and its Yearbook ? (practical impacts, academic insight)
               Was the Yearbook for the better or the worse ?
     What was going on in the world in 1928 ?
          In Italy
          In the rest of the world ?
     What is Cinef ?
          Its Purpose
               Official purpose
                    Quoting the introductory page in the 1928 Yearbook
               Unofficial purpose as told by other sources
                    For propaganda, to advocate Italian Fascism
                    Why the above claim is plausible
                    Why the above claim is not entirely true
          What Cinef did
               Fulfilled its goals/objectives by publishing yearbook, holding council meetings, publishing journals, etc
               Formed a governing body
                    Where the meetings were held, for how long, for what purpose, etc.
               Yearbook (more about it)
                    Where it was published, how many languages, how many editions, how many copies, etc.
          Its Members
               The governing body
               Notable members (in no particular order¡¦ thinking about the ordering)
                    J. S. Barnes
                    Walter Starkie
                    Giovanni Gentile
                    Edmund Gardner
                    Lord Sydenham of Combe
     The Year Book of the International Centre of Fascist Studies, Volume I
          What problems were in the status quo (according to the yearbook)
          Why was fascism, particularly Italian Fascism, a solution ?
               Relatively peaceful method (as compared to other violent revolutions and political upheavals during and before)
               Empirical "success" seen in Italy
                    Economic development
                    Political stability
               Other reasons (I don¡¯t yet know this. Have to read more)
               Other reasons NOT in the book, but what I think may have been factors as well (Need to do more research)
               Are the justifications provided in the Yearbook enough ? Refutations
                    Negative impacts mentioned in the Yearbook
                    Negative impacts NOT in the book, but what I think may have been factors as well
          International impact
               In Great Britain
               In Italy
               In Ireland
     What happened to Cinef?
          To the Governing Body itself?
          To each of the members and authors?
     The significance of Cinef: Then and Now
          Impact and significance of Cinef and the Yearbook when it was first established and published
          Impact/significance today
     Conclusion
          The questions I have answered
          The questions that remain to be answered



Other Publications by the authors . . . go to Teacher's comment

Organisation of the International Centre of Fascist Studies
author title year source
H. de Vries de Heekelingen Israel, son passe, son avenir
Le Fascisme et ses resultats
1937
1927
http://www.danielpipes.org/comments/122308
http://www.antiqbook.be/boox/lez/G48513.shtml




International Centre of Fascist Studies (as of September 25th 2008) . . . go to Teacher's comment

Organisation of the International Centre of Fascist Studies
President of the Executive Council H. de Vries de Heekelingen Formerly Professor at the Univ. of Nijmegen
Vice-President of the Executive Council Marcel Boulenger
Member of the Executive Council Giovanni Gentile Formerly Minister of Education; Member of Italian Senate; Professor at the Univ. of Rome; Member of the Grand Fascist Council; President of the "Istituto di Cultura Fascista"
A. Andredes Professor at the Univ. of Athens
Antonio Aunos Director of Publications of the Joint Commission of Employers and Employees of Catalonia, Barcelona
Count Thadee Dzieduszycki Warsaw
Istvan Ereky Professor at the Univ. of Szeged, Hungary
C. Fougner Oslo
Edmund Gardner, F.B.A Professor at the Univ. of London
A. Geouffre de Lapradelle Professor at the Univ. of Paris
John L. Gerig Professor at Columbia University, New York
Jonkheer J. W. Godin de Beaufort Holland
Nae Ionescu Professor at the Univ. of Bucharest
Ladislas Jablonowski Member of the Polish Senate, Warsaw
J. W. Mannhardt Professor at the Univ. of Marburg
J. Renkin Minister of State, Brussels
Baron Rolin Jaequemyns Formerly Minister of the Interior, Brussels
Walter Starkie Professor at Trinity College, Dublin
Lord Sydenham of Combe G.C.M.G., G.C.I.E., G.B.E., F.R.S., London
Count Paul Teleki Formerly Minister of Foreign Affairs, Professor at the Univ. of Budapest
M. W. F. Treub Formerly Minister of Finance, Formerly Professor at the Univ. of Amsterdam
Secretary-General J. S. Barnes






Source Table of Contents (as of October 31st 2008) . . . go to Teacher's comment

International Centre of Fascist Studies : A Survey of Fascism (The Year Book of the International Centre of Fascist Studies, Volume I) London : Ernest Benn 1928

H. de Vries de Heekelingen Preface: The International Centre of Fascist Studies (CINEF) pp.7-10
H. de Vries de Heekelingen Introduction to the Study of Fascism trsl. by J. S. Barnes pp.13-18
Gioacchino Volpe The Birth and Establishment of Fascism in Italy trsl. by Edmund Gardner pp.19-60
Luigi Villari The Civil Strife in Italy, 1919-22 pp.61-82
J. S. Barnes The Reform of the State in Italy pp.83-97
A. O. Olivetti The Reform of Parliament and the Question of National Representation trsl. by J. S. Barnes pp.98-135
Augusto Turati The Labour Charter pp.136-147
Edmondo Rossoni The Significance of Fascist Syndicalism trsl. by Alice Effie Radice pp.148-153
Odon Por Co-operation within the Corporate System of the Italian State pp.154-169
Ermanno Amicucci The Liberty of the Press trsl. by J. S. Barnes pp.170-189
Homem Christo The Fascist Idea in France trsl. by J. S. Barnes pp.190-202
M. von Binzer The Trend of Fascist Opinion in Germany trsl. by Mrs. Charles Norman pp.203-222
Walter Starkie Whither is Ireland Heading ? Is it Fascism? (Thoughts on the Irish Free State) pp.223-234
Biographical Notes pp.235-237
Methodical Classification of the Bibliographical and Analytical Card References, published by the "Cinef" pp.238-241
Diagram of the Corporative Organisation of the Italian State at end