Regions and the Central Government : Alsace, Bretagne, Corsica, Normandy, Massif Central


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Table of Contents


First Draft
Bretagne, 3rd Update
Bretagne, 1st Update
Bretagne
The Language Policy in France
Corsica, 3rd Update
Corsica, 2nd Update
Corsica, 1st Update
Working Table of Contents, 1st Update
Corsica
Working Table of Contents



Historical Conflicts between Regions and the Central Government in France: Alsace, Bretagne, and Corsica. as of September 13th. Go to Teacher's Comment

I. Preface
II. Alsace-Lorraine
II.1 Introduction
II.2 The Franco-German War 1870 ? 1871
II.3 Alsace Lorraine from 1871 to 1914 : Assimilation into Germany
II.4 World War I (1914-1918)
II.5 The Interbellum 1919-1940 : Re-Assimilation into France
II.6 World War II (1939-1945)
II.7 Analysis
III. Corsica
III.1 Introduction
III.2 Pre-Revolutionary Period
III.3 During the French Revolution (1789 - 1799)
III.4 Post-Revolutionary Corsica (1799 - modern times)
III.5 Contemporary Situation
III.6 Analysis
IV. Bretagne
IV.1 Pre-annexation Bretagne (14th Century ? 1532)
IV.2 17th Century to French Revolution
IV.3 Bretagne in World War II
IV.4 Breton Nationalism
IV.5 Current Political Structure in Bretagne
IV.6 Analysis
V. The Language Policy in France
VI. Conclusion and Analysis
VII. Appendix
VIII. Notes
XIX. Bibliography

I. Preface
            The republic of France is often looked upon as the country most representative of the three ideals it stands for: Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. Yet this is not always the case, with more than several regions that have been historically neglected or isolated to varying extents. The French government has, in the past, implemented harsh policies of integration and assimilation towards regions that possessed independent cultures - this has resulted in the loss of priceless heritage from custom to language. Such regions would include, but are not limited to, Corsica, Bretagne, Alsace-Lorraine, and so on. Other areas suffer from modern-day economic isolation, such as the collection of agricultural regions in the Massif Central. While it should be noted that the French government no longer outwardly seeks a policy of segregation or indoctrination, its past efforts have left many regions half crippled and helpless on their own. Such areas have little choice but to accept the influx of Parisian culture and capital - at the loss of their distinctive color and culture. The fact that hundreds of centuries-old buildings in Corsica are awaiting on the destruction list to be replaced by squalid concrete structures is but a single sad testimonial to this fact.
            As such, the aim of this paper is not only to interpret, from a historical perspective, the past of each selected region and the impact government policies (such as forced assimilation, political strife, or economic isolation) had in their respective time periods, but their lasting effects in modern times.
            It should be further noted that the term 'region' as quoted in this paper does not simply restrict itself to the identical term within the French administrative system, but in a broader sense, encompassing territories defined by a distinctive cultural or economic community. Hence Bretagne, Corsica and Normandy are already conveniently defined, but Alsace and Lorraine are combined into a single chapter in this paper.

II. Alsace-Lorraine

II.1 Introduction
            Today, Alsace-Lorraine is legally recognized as a part of France under the official name of ¡®Alsace-Moselle¡¯. However, this has not always been so ? the rich iron deposits of Lorraine made it the prime target for both France and Germany, and was thus at both the geographical and political center of struggle for dominance between the two nations. Yet if it was coveted by both, it was never truly accepted by either other than a source of exploitation. Its history of being constantly torn and juggled has left its mark, in a culture that shares the traces of two different origins. But more so in its pervading distrust, or rather reserved attitude, for both sides. In order to understand the present-day Alsace-Lorraine, one must understand the turbulent history it has gone through.
            This chapter will focus on the three wars fought by France and Germany (Prussia) between 1870 and 1945 ? from the Treaty of Frankfurt to the Second World War, as these were the decisive events that would shape today¡¯s Alsace-Lorraine.

II.2 The Franco-German War 1870 ? 1871
            The term 'Alsace-Lorraine' corresponds (and finds its etymological roots in) the territory originally named 'Elsass-Lothringen' by the Germans, which they had won from France under the Treaty of Frankfurt. The territory consists of 93% of Alsace and 26% of Lorraine.
            The Franco-German war lasted from July 19th, 1870 to January 28th, 1871. It opposed the Second French Empire against the German states, which were united behind the Kingdom of Prussia .The war was the product of years of culminated tension between the two entities. The fragile peace had shattered when Napoleon III forced King Wilhelm of Prussia to make prince Leopold withdraw his candidacy to the Spanish throne. The throne had been vacant since 1868 (2), and France could not allow Leopold, a Hohenzollern prince, to be seated - it feared a possible alliance between Spain and Prussia, as then both would be ruled by Hohenzollerns - and King Wilhelm complied. But the French are still not satisfied by a single diplomatic victory, and wish to establish a final delivering blow. France sent an ambassador to Prussia, in order to demand this time that no Hohenzollern should ever become candidate to the Spanish throne. The ambassador bypassed all diplomatic procedures and confronted the King at his resort, with threats of war. Prussian chancellor Otto von Bismarck, feeling that the French had crossed a line (and knowing France's inclination to war) deliberately released a biased telegram to the media and foreign embassies - which would provide the French a pretext to declare war (3). The telegram would then continue to be distorted through misinterpretations and improper translations by the press, and eventually outrage the French public. France declared war on 19 July 1870, only five days after the telegram had been published.
            However, contrary to France's opinion of its military superiority, both sides were extremely mismatched. In addition to Napoleon III failing to gain allies from surrounding European countries, the German armies were by far superior - better equipped and better organized. The war ended with the siege of Paris, after a series of crushing French defeats (4). The Second French Empire was effectively overthrown by the coup-d'etat of Paris, led by Leon Gambetta and General Trochu on September 4. The 'Gouvernement de la Defense Nationale' (GDN) was proclaimed to be in power (5). It would become the first government of the Third Republic.
            An armistice was signed on May 10, 1871. The treaty forced the French to yield vast territories within Alsace, Lorraine and the Vosges to Germany. France ended up losing 1.4 million hectares of land, 1.5 million inhabitants and 20% of its mining and ironworks industry - along with 5 billion francs in indemnity, a staggering sum for the French (6). This marks the beginning of the tragedy in the Alsace-Lorraine, as it not only separates the lands from France - but also causes general animosity among the French against Germany, which would lead to the numerous conflicts between the two sides, including the First and Second World War.

II.3 Alsace Lorraine from 1871 to 1914 : Assimilation into Germany
            The Treaty of Frankfurt had presented the people of Alsace-Lorraine with a choice-: either to leave the region by October 1872 to maintain their French citizenship, or stay and lose it. Only 100 000 left for France (5% of the local population), and the vast majority stayed (7).
            It was at the Treaty of Frankfurt that the boundaries of present day Alsace-Lorraine were made. However, the creation of the province was not simply an annexation of territory imposed by a vainqueur. Such an act, surely to cause great hostility within France, was met with strong oppositon even in Germany itself. France had been a powerful threat, especially so since the Napoleonic wars. It was deemed unnecessary to provoke such a dangerous enemy. Yet the decision had been made, and the annexation is considered as a defensive measure, moving the French border away from their territories.
            A large number of immigrants from core Germany - usually strongly patriotic - came to install themselves in the region. They mingled with ease, being able to occupy relatively higher positions in work, and marry with the locals. However, they did not have the desired effect of 'conversion' of the locals. It must be noted that unlike its future counterpart, the German regime at the time was much tolerant towards those of French origin and their culture (approx. 10% spoke French as native language), and peace was quickly restored between locals and incoming Germans (8). This period marks the blending of both cultures in Alsace-Lorraine. Yet this would be the source of future conflicts and miscarriages, as neither Germany nor France can fully accept Alsace-Lorraine, half German and half French.

II.4 World War I (1914-1918)
            Ever since the beginning of the First World War, the French and German sides both took confused and misdirected action against the people of Alsace-Lorraine, due to its vague place between the two countries. For the French, they were too German - for the Germans, they were too French. Alsatians living in France were to be arrested and deported to camps, and treated with hostility from the french population in general; French soldiers would wrongly arrest and beat up old men - who would turn out to be former French soldiers, who had been honored for their service in the 1870s in the war against Prussia (9). This did not mean that the Germans treated them any better, and discrimination - such as the Saverne Incident (10) - caused public unrest in the region against the German army.
            Any ties with France were strongly discouraged. For example, the use of French was interdicted by law (even banal greetings, such as "Bonjour"), while large parts of the population mixed French into their everyday language. Even a single French word spoken was penalized with a fine (11). German immigrants tried to prove their patriotism by denouncing such acts to the authorities, and served as rapports for the local police. Thus the population is divided into a pro-German minority backed by the state, against a 'French' majority. Soldiers from Alsace or Lorraine were also discriminated against by German commanders. They were deemed untrustworthy by commanders, and had to undergo weeks of inspection and background checks by the police before being admitted into full service (12).

II.5 The Interbellum 1919-1940 : Re-Assimilation into France
Population
            Alsace-Lorraine was returned to France after World War I. Yet the French government still mistrusted the region's population, and a strong if not forceful project of re-assimilation was implemented. The population was divided into four: those who would have stayed French if not for the annexation in 1871 were given an identity card labeled A, with blue, white and red stripes (approximately 59% of all residents). People of French origin who had one German parent, or were married to a German received a 'B-Card'. Foreigners were given 'C-cards', and Germans received the lowest 'D-card' (13). This received much criticism as it discriminated people by origin, and did not take into account those who remained loyal to France despite their nationality. This discrimination is expressed markedly : In December 1918 when the value of German currency hit the floor, people with A-cards were allowed change 1 Mark for 1.25 francs, while people with D-cards had to exchange 1 Mark for 0.80 francs (14).
            German stores were pillaged by French soldiers, and many Germans were forcefully expelled. They were allowed to bring only what they could carry, leaving behind all other personal belongings or land (15). Expulsions were implemented with harshness, and witnesses record how they were 'escorted to the other side of the Rhine River, permitted to bring only a sack and 300 Marks.' Many of these Germans, along with those who remained yet were discriminated against, were considered as neighbors and friends - fellow countrymen - by others, and such actions undertaken by the government caused them to look at France from a new perspective. Well-known public figures like Eugene Ricklin - baron of one of Alsace's largest families - who were strongly pro-France and opposed to German rule, were not exempt from the project of assimilation and forced expulsions. An estimated 200 000 Germans were expelled until the signing of the Treaty of Versailles (16). About half were allowed to return only after pressure on the French government by the United States (17).

Education
            The Government considered the Frankization of the educational system in Alsace-Lorraine an urgent necessity. Teachers were given orders to switch from courses done in German to French immediately, overnight (18). Those who could not were relieved of their position as educators. Teachers were brought 'from the interior' (as opposed to Alsace-Lorraine, which was considered as a margin territory), carefully selected from those who knew nothing of Alsace-Lorraine or its history, people, and language. Most of the time, students were not even able to comprehend what the teachers were saying. On the other hand, teachers from the region had problems speaking French, and therefore normal education was impossible in either case. Alsace-Lorraine, strongly religious, also had to confront teachers who were complete atheists. Sometimes parents would refuse to let their children attend classes run by non-religious teachers (19).

II.6 World War II (1939-1945)
            If Alsace-Lorraine had suffered during the First World War, it did so much worse during the Second. Most of the casualties constituted of men sent to the Russian front into dangerous missions. When the war began, the Government implemented a plan of dislocating the people living between the Maginot Line and the German front (20. However, no concrete plan had been put in place, and the inhabitants of Alsace-Lorraine had to move in conditions not unlike those of the Germans in the region after World War I. Beginning from September 1939, these people could take only what they could carry or load on a car. The less fortunate had to walk on foot, leaving behind all their belongings. While the economically capable were able to buy houses in South-East France, others had to do without. Those who could not afford a new habitat, the Government spread without much organization throughout regions such as the Limousin (21). The newcomers were not well accepted. Already differences in language and culture were apparent - one that was too similar to Germans for their taste. The migrants were derisively called the "yaya", as instead of "Oui", they would say "Ja" as an affirmative (22). The newcomers were not so happy about the locals either, and instead of assimilating, the older generations would stubbornly keep their culture separate.
           e Alsatians as true fellow countrymen. Public opinion was that they always sided with the winning side. Although no open conflicts erupted, such an atmosphere of peer pressure and isolation explains why following the end of the War and the armistice, most of the migrants requested permission to return to their homeland (23).
            The region of Alsace-Lorraine was not mentioned in the armistice of June 22, 1940 (24). Therefore although it was still legally French territory, Nazi Germany occupied the territory with military force, and annexed it as a part of the Third Empire. If Germany had been previously tolerant to local culture in Alsace Lorraine, the new regime was not so generous. In fact the German Government strove to follow the French plans of assimilation, in the German version. Roads were renamed, such as the rue de sauvetage, main street of Mulhouse, re-baptised Adolf-Hitler-Strasse. The region of Colmar was renamed Kolmar (25).
            Yet although they resented how France had treated them, the Alsatians were not entirely favorable towards the Germans either. One example would be how locals would subtly change the greeting "Heil Hitler" with the somewhat disconnected phrase: "Ein Liter" - one liter (26). A local military resistance forms against the Germans, independently from the RIF (Resistance Interieur Française) (27).

II.7 Analysis
            The region of Alsace-Lorraine was at the center of turbulent times. It received the full impact of three wars during a period of roughly a century, each time growing in scale. Starting with the Franco-German war in 1870 to the end of the Second World War, it was subject to the whims and crushing forces of both Germany and France. It was the center of dispute for both, and symbolized the prize of the victor. Yet it was never truly accepted by either nation, except as a gain in its mining industry, just a statistical entity.
            The Alsace-Lorraine never played an active role throughout the period. It was the silent victim, forced to move along with the tides of war. The scars of these times still remain in the mentality of Alsace-Lorraine. The older generations still do not call themselves French - rather, they are 'Alsaciens-Lorrainens' between themselves. Such isolationism has been the subject of much criticism by the rest of France, but it must be understood that they had suffered much at its expense. It had been the abandoned child of France and Germany, a child of divorced parents - who would not accept it, as they saw too much of each other within the child.

III. Corsica

III.1 Introduction
            Corsica has endured for more than two thousand years a continuing series of invaders and colonizing powers. Ever since the first city had been founded on the island, it knew practically no lasting periods of peace. From the Carthaginians to the Romans, the Vandals, Byzantinians, Arabs, Lombards, Genoans, Aragonians and then the French - the island was considered a prize to be won by whomever could take it. (28) Yet it had remained proud of its distinct cultural heritage, and constantly sought its own independance - tentatives crushed down each time by force, just to rise up again. Such courage inspired contemporary Enlightenment philosophers such as Voltaire, who wrote :

            "(...) their principal weapon was their courage. It was during the battle of Ponte-Novu ; (...) to buy the time necessary for their army to make a final stand, they built a barricade out of their own dead ; the wounded voluntarily lay themselves down between their fallen comrades to strengthen the barricade... a human wall against steel bullets. We may find valour elsewhere, but such actions are to be seen only among free men." (29)

            However, decades of economic isolation and poverty seem to have succeded in what centuries of military conquest had failed in: the Corsican spirit of rebellion and independance have been replaced by a more general attitude of lethargy and resignation. Recently, it was the islanders themselves who had voted against the 'Corsican autonomy law' presented by the French Government in 2003. (30) Its economy is currently sundered, as primary and secondary sectors are almost void - and the island lives on tourism, most of which only centers around the northwest of the island. Its once productive agriculture had long since been crippled by competition from the mainland since the dawn of the 20th century. (31) Its population of around 280 000 now scatters along its coastline, 10% of its active population remains unemployed. Financial difficulties have deeply left their marks, and now it is Corsica itself which fears independence from France. (32) Its native culture is an endangered one, and ancient buildings and cities are destroyed to make space for newly built concrete structures. (33) Yet this does not mean there are no longer any efforts for independence - nor does the general lassitude signify the disappearance of tension. Rather, the danger of violent conflicts remain liable to re-erupt any time, as radicals and dissenters blame mainland France for the current stagnant situation in Corsica. (34)
            This chapter will briefly summarize the island's turbulent history from the Carthaginians to its Medieval period, and then concentrate on its assimilation into French territory and the resulting conflicts, as the understanding of Corsica's history is necessary in order to fully comprehend the island's formation and current situation.

III.2 Pre-Revolutionary Period
            The violent history of Corsica can best be explained by its key strategic location, at the heart of the western Mediterranean. The island is only 12 kilometers from Sardinia, 50 kilometers from the Isle of Elba, 80 kilometers from the coast of Tuscany and 200 kilometers from the French port of Nice. (35) Corsica remained under Carthaginian rule until 237 BC, before its conquest by the Romans. It would further be placed under the Byzantine Empire in 522. After that, Corsica would be under the influence of frequently changing powers, mainly Arabic or Lombardian in nature. During the Middle Ages, Pisa took over Corsica for a brief period, yet had to give it up to the Republic of Genoa following the Battle of Meloria. It would remain so for 500 years, during which Corsica would be treated as a colony of the Republic. It was sold to France in 1768.
            Yet for decades leading up to this purchase, and even under French rule, Corsicans will fight continuously for their independance. Although such efforts have much died down in present days, in order to further better understand the tensions between Corsica and mainland France, one must keep in mind the historical antagonism between the two entities that began three centuries ago. The first of the large-scale riots erupted in 1729, while Corsica was still under Genoan rule. The revolt, which first started in the village of Bostanicu (Boziu) spread rapidly across the island, feeding off the widespread antagonism towards Genoan rule at the time. While not the worst of regimes, its corrupt judiciary system (36) and heavy taxes were very unpopular - and the addition of a new tax, known as dui seini, (37) unclenched the revolt. (38) in the words of F. Ettori, a French historian - :

            "La memoire populaire, qui fait l'histoire avant les historiens, a place au seuil de la revolution l'image -mouvante du vieillard de Bustanicu. Serrant entre ses pauvres doigts uses la taille amassee sou - sou, il ne comprend pas l'archanement du collecteur - lui reclamer une petite piece suppl-mentaire, un huitieme de dernier, la fameuse "baiocca" qui mettra le feu - l'indignation du village." (39)

            As Corsica¡¯s position in Genoan politics was only one of an economic colony, the Corsicans often found themselves exploited or put under heavier taxation than other provinces. Corsicans responded by refusing to pay taxes to the Republic, and armed robberies and bandits appeared increasingly on the island. Finally, as their control upon the island was stretched too thin, Genoa will ask for the help of Charles VI, who sends an army in 1731. This intervention was pushed back once, but within weeks Corsica was back under the control of the Republic of Genoa - which would make several concessions to the islanders, but the latter will judge them still insufficient. As such, a second rebellion restarts in a couple of months, under the leadership of Hyacinthe Paoli, father of Pascal Paoli.
            In April 15th, 1736, Theodore de Neuhoff is elected as king of Corsica by the islanders, who subsequently put in place an independent political and legislative structure. Seeing this situation, France decides to intervene in the situation should Genoa openly request for the kingdom¡¯s help. From 1738 to 1741, French troops would be sent to the island, forcing Hyacinthe Paoli to flee in exile along with his son, Pascal Paoli. Yet another insurgence will occur in 1745, as Theodore de Neuhoff returns with the help of the British. However, a second intervention by the French will defeat them once more, restoring Genoan control.
            Yet not all Corsicans were willing to accept the administration of the Marquis of Cursay, and Pascal Paoli is recalled to Corsica following the assassination of Gaffori, whose place as a leader Paoli will replace. He will follow by becoming elected General-in-Chief of Corsica, and adopting a new constitution. Revolts occur within the island against him, from regions that were influenced and pressured by the Republic, but Paoli crushes the insurrection. He also creates a navy, but fails in his attempts to conquer Genoan coastal territories.
            In 1762, Corsica adopts the ¡®moor¡¯s head¡¯ as its official flag, which still rests today. Yet two years later, the French will again deploy its troops following the Treaty of Compiegne, occupying a large part of Corsican territory. Corte becomes capital of Corsica in 1765, along with the foundation of a university at the capital. The situation is rapidly accelerated on May 5th, 1768, as Genoa accedes control of Corsica over to France.

III.3 During the French Revolution (1789 - 1799)
            The political unrest brought by the French Revolution led to political upheavals in Corsica as well, leading to the expulsion of the remaining ancien regime¡¯s supporters. Pascal Paoli, who had been until then in exile in England, returns as a hero in 1790, invited by the National Constituent Assembly - which also appoints him lieutenant-general. He takes this as an opportunity to once again establish a political foothold in the island of Corsica. Yet he is not entirely free of political dissent or friction. The events of June 1791, when Paoli suppresses a religious riot (40) at Bastia - ensuing from the deposition of the local bishop who refused to take accept the civil Constitution of the Clergy (41) - and moves the island¡¯s central town to Corte in 1792, deepen the crevice between him and the Corsican Jacobins (42). The fact that Paoli maintained a relatively sympathetic position against the royalty would add to the discord later on.
            In 1793, the Convention decides to keep a closer eye on Paoli, and sends three officers to Corsica to supervise him. Yet Paoli was increasingly set apart from the revolutionaries. The same year, Paoli intentonally sabotaged a military attack against Sardinia. Napoleon Bonaparte, who had taken part in the expedition, is outraged at this and denounces him as a traitor to the Convention. On April, the arrest warrants for Paoli have been issued, but the three aforementioned officers are unable to carry out the prosecution because of the firm foothold of supporters Paoli had established. Still under indictment of treason by the French Government, the latter finally splits from Mainland France -: he summons the Corsican assembly on May, and formally secedes from France - with himself having been elected President. Proclaimed "le pere du Patrie," (or Babbu di has Patria, in Corse) Paoli seeks assistance from the British for protection.
            Soon enough, a nearby British fleet comes to the aid of Corsica, defeating the remaining republican troops on the island. On June 10th 1794, the Anglo-Corsican Kingdom is proclaimed. Yet this period, as can be guessed from its name, was not a period of true independence. In fact more of a protectorate of the British, Paoli had to relinquish most power to Sir Gilbert, who is named viceroy of Corsica. Paoli¡¯s attempt at instigating a revolt fails, and he returns to Great Britain for exile. Not much after his leave, the British withdraw forces from Corsica despite earlier promises of protection, and France reconquers the island with ease on 1796.

III.4 Post-Revolutionary Corsica (1799 - modern times)
            The turmoil surrounding Corsica, and its fervor for independence are somewhat watered down during the next century. In fact, during the First World War, Corsica would display the highest rate of mobilization - of all France: around 400,000 men, representing roughly a sixth of its population (43). This would result in a heavy blow to the island¡¯s economy. The severe shortage of labor led to a crippling decrease in Corsica¡¯s major agricultural industry. Corsica also served as a major medical base, along with shelter for prisoners of war and refugees (est. 4000 Serbians and Syrians).
            Despite such sacrifices, Corsica suffered from a lack of rationment and supplies from the mainland. At the end of the war, 150 000 men had been killed in duty - this loss, along with the refusal of many veterans to return to their homeland, led to an even sharper decline in the islands vitality and economy, due to the lack of manpower. The island¡¯s population, which had been increasing at a steady rate during the past century, (almost 90%, from 1801 to 1901) declined for the first time after World War I - it would do so again after the Second World War, falling back to a total similar to that in 1801 (44). Overall, the loss of manpower contributed to a mass exodus from Corsica in favor of southern France. Compared with the island's present population of 250,000 the fact that there are now some 500,000 Corsicans in mainland France shows the severity of this trend - this, when more than a quarter of the island¡¯s population is over 60, and immigrant workers make up 10%.
            Corsica, which had once attributed itself the term --Patria-- as a demonstration of independence against mainland France, will declare its allegiance to the very entity it had sought so hard to free itself from, with the outbreak of World War II. Hence goes the famous ¡®Oath of Bastia,¡¯ by Jean Baptite Ferracci on December 4th, 1938 -:

            "face au monde, de toute notre ame, sur nos gloires, sur nos tombes, sur nos berceaux, nous jurons de vivre et de mourir fran?ais." (45)

            It must be noted, the way which Ferracci swears, 'of all our souls, (...) on our graves, on our cradles, we swear to live, and die, French -'. It is rather ironic, that the very 'souls' of the Corsicans barely a few score years ago, not to mention the very occupants of the aforementioned 'graves,' had spilled their own blood for freedom from French rule. The next day saw the creation of antifascist commitees at Ajaccio and Bastia.
            The anti-french feelings which had subsided during the two war-periods would soon rear their heads again. The most notable crisis would be the events in Aleria. On August 21 1975, several dozen men occupied a ¡®pied-noir¡¯ wineyard in Aleria. Naming themselves the ARC, (Action Regionaliste Corse) they claimed to be ready to divulge a financial scandal, grouped under the leadership of Edmond Simeoni. Michel Poniatowski, then Minister of Interior, sent more than a thousand police officers, along with helicopters, heavy artillery and even tanks. Two policemen were killed during the ensuing firefight, and Dr Simeoni hands himself over to the police in order to avoid larger casualties. However, many of the militants escaped, and violent struggles occur in nearby Bastia.

III.5 Contemporary Situation
            The Corsican economy is distinguished by its weak primary and secondary sectors, which barely make up 20% of the whole. But well over 8,500 attacks and 100 deaths over two decades have crippled tourism, the biggest single source of employment on the island, and forced thousands of young Corsicans to seek a living in mainland France or farther afield. The progression of the Corsican economy follows the general pattern of the French economy as a whole, but at about 20% of the national average per capita. The average pay is lower, and there are fewer working women in Corsica by comparison with the rest of France. Corsica also has the lowest concentration in France of technical diploma holders as a percentage of the working population.

III.6 Analysis

IV. Bretagne

IV.1 14th Century ? 1532
            The Hundred Years War begins in 1341 in Bretagne, with the ducal title being claimed by two separate candidates: Charles de Blois (husband of Jeanne de Penthievre, granddaughter of Duke Arthur II¡¯s first marriage) and Jean de Montfort (son of a second marriage). The French king Philippe VI supported de Blois, while Monfort sought and received the support of the British. Decades of war end with the Montforts victorious; de Blois is killed in battle in 1364 at Auray.
            Having suffered an extended period of conflicts between two European monarchies, Bretagne seeks to reestablish its prosperity and individual authority over its territory. During the 15th century, various administrative institutions are put in place in Bretagne: a Council, a chancellery, a Chamber of Accounts, (under the Ancien R?gime, sovereign court charged with dealing with numerous aspects of the financial administration of the country ? Encyclopedia Britannica) and a Parliamentary court. However, if the rivalry between the French and British powers let Bretagne enjoy a short period of relative autonomy, the decades of British civil war nearing the end of the 15th century leads to the strengthening of French authority over Bretagne ? culminating through the marriage between the young Breton duchess Anne and French king Charles VIII.
            However, it is only in 1532 that Bretagne officially becomes part of the French kingdom. Two edicts had been issued by King Francis I, following requests from Breton states themselves. This was a politically beneficial move for both of the involved parties: Francis I would be able to harness the region¡¯s political influence under his direct supervision, and the Breton elite would be able to prosper under the auspices of the king. The fact that Bretagne had experienced little warfare during the previous three centuries meant that it was able to avoid extraneous spending on the military. Bretagne was therefore able to stock up on much of its wealth. By the time of Francis I, the territory was characterized by agricultural diversity, flourishing industries (especially textiles), and dynamic international trade, with almost 100 autonomous Breton ports in operation.

IV.2 17th Century ? French Revolution
            But by the 17th century, the economic prosperity starts to fade away along with Bretagne¡¯s amicable coexistence with the central government. Bretagne experiences quite a few civil revolts during this period. This is especially true in the countryside, where everyday life becomes more and more difficult from the 1660s and onward. Bretagne was then a very heavily populated area, and had been suffering under a series of famines and economic difficulties for decades. To aggravate the situation, local nobles had started to impose strong taxes on agricultural products.
            Yet the most serious problems arise with the beginnings of the Franco-Dutch War in 1672. Due to the flooding tactics of the Dutch, the war drags on, with mounting costs for the French government. The lengthening war led Louis XIV to declare a set of new taxes upon the whole country. In Bretagne this was not taken upon lightly, as the war was imposing an extraneous burden on them; not to mention the increased interference of the Dutch navy on Breton trade. Furthermore, until the status was suppressed in 1789 following the French Revolution, Bretagne remained a Pays d'Etats ? and thus had several immunities and autonomous privileges. For example, it was exempt from the national salt tax, (la ¡°gabelle¡±) and the government could not impose new taxes upon the region without consent of the Estates of Bretagne. In an attempt to expand its autonomy, the Breton Estates pay the huge sum of 8.9 million livres to the crown in order to abolish the Chambre des domaines, and purchase royal edicts establishing new taxes ? most of the sum was not even for the direct purchase itself, but gifts to appease the government. Yet it took only a year for the crown to restore these very edicts without consultation with the Estates. The imposition of tax on ¡®stamped paper¡¯ in 1673 and on tobacco in 1674 would seem a frontal insult to the Bretons, to whom this was a violation of their ¡°libert?s bretonnes¡±. The general sentiment would strongly be against the central state. This sequence of events leads to an uprising in Rennes, better known as the Revolt of the Papier Timbre, or as the revolt of the Bonnets Rouges. The Breton Parliament is forced to relocate in order to escape the angry mob. Migration towards the cities increases dramatically during this period, and the Breton population becomes more and more urban.

            (There have been posterior attempts to portray the incident as a Breton attempt at ¡®emancipation¡¯ ? among them Jo?l Cornette, a renown historian, in his publication Histoire de la Bretagne et des Bretons. Yet for a historian who claims to have done a work that is ¡®ideologically free,¡¯ he still seems to be somewhat inclined towards the establishment of a ¡®Breton ideal¡¯, or a separate ¡®Breton identity¡¯. I believe such aspects must be considered before fully accepting his theses as completely neutral or objective. It must also be noted that his family is of Breton origin, a characteristic he seems to treasure. Also, another major attempt to portray the incident as such has been carried out by the French Communist Party ? one wonders whether ideological or political issues do not come into play.)

            As with the rest of the kingdom, the Breton villages of the 18th century benefit from an increase in their economic activities. The triangular trade greatly benefits Nantes, but also the region encompassing Saint-Malo and Lorient. The textile manufactured inland is shipped to Africa, where they are traded for local products such as coffee and tobacco, but mostly sugar. However, the Breton countryside does not benefit as much from this trade, as its production is mainly agricultural. Worse, New World crops such as potatoes have not yet reached Bretagne, making the winters especially harsh for the inhabitants of Basse-Bretagne. From the 18th century and onwards, the central administration increasingly extends its influence in the region. Although local Breton states often attempted to resist such an encroachment upon their autonomy, they never truly succeed in achieving a greater degree of independence. After his ascension to the throne in 1774, Louis XVI implements an intense policy of economic warfare. Bretagne, having been chosen as the front-line of the king¡¯s military plans, the small Breton town of Brest is transformed into a large naval fort at the hands of the architect Vauban. Brest becomes a center for intense naval construction.
            It is also in 1789 that the National Constituent Assembly would abolish feudal privileges within French territory. This would lead to the suppression of local estates which formerly possessed a great degree of political autonomy as Pays d'Etats. Bretagne is no exception, and its territory is divided into five departements. The outbreak of the Revolution in 1789 will be experienced to different degrees in Bretagne. Most heavily hit was its southern region, like Nantes, which was very close to the chaos of the Vendee. Despite the fact that local mobilization of the nantais against the attacking rebels helped the Republican army secure the region, and despite the significance of that particular aid, the Republican government will authorize the massacre of thousands of Breton sympathizers to the catholic/royalist cause. An example would be the expedition of Lazare Hoche, a general in the French Revolutionary army, who ordered the execution of all rebel prisoners (despite earlier assurances of safety) they had captured at Quiberon.

            "The siege of Nantes is perhaps the most important military event of our revolution. Perhaps the destinies of the Republic [herself] were tied to the resistance of this town.¡± Louis Marie Turreau (46)

IV.3 Bretagne in World War II
            By June 22, 1940, Bretagne is completely occupied by Germany. Two local magazines, ¡®l¡¯Heure Bretonne¡¯ and ¡®la Bretagne,¡¯ begin their circulation, with an emphasis on the ideas of a ¡®Breton movement¡¯, and the ¡®Emsav¡¯. These publications are mostly under the influence of collaborationists within Bretagne, most notably through the Breton National Party (47).
            The opinion within Bretagne is mostly favorable towards P?tain, who is now at the head of occupied France. This has largely been influenced by the Breton catholic clergy¡¯s wide support for P?tain; for example, the bishop of Quimper held a public speech at Sainte Anne D¡¯Auray (October 1st, 1943) on this stance (48). What is slightly unclear is the nature of this support ? while the p?taniste government was clearly collaborationist, most of the Breton support for P?tain initially came from his fame as the war hero of Verdun (during WWI) (49). Petain actually tries to broaden his support base through propaganda against allied bombings on Breton territory. While popular support for him drops during the next few years, at the same time Bretagne becomes a housing place for most of France¡¯s collaborationist-nationalist parties (50).
            While the ¡®Resistance¡¯ movement was weak in Bretagne during 1940 ? 1941, it gains momentum from 1943 onwards. Yet by no means can we ignore the individual acts of defiance during the early period of occupation, such as the escape of 133 fishermen from the island of Sein to London, or the hanging of the national flag on the cathedral of Nantes on November 11, 1940. Estienne d¡¯Orves, the Notre-Dame fraternity, and the engineer Stosskopf, are but few examples of the early r?sistance in Bretagne. The Communist Party also takes part in the movement; the assassination of a German colonel in October 1941, taken out by three Communist Party members, causes a series of severe repressions. 45% of the Breton resistance movement consisted of young men of 20-30 years of age. Women took up about 10 ? 15%, one of the highest female participant rates in the country. Most resistants are from the city, mostly from the Basse-Bretagne area. Only 10% consisted of farmers. Yet in the end, the resistance only made up 2% of the total population in Bretagne (51).
            Armed guerilla warfare would become generalized from mid-1944, but to little effect. The occupying German forces numbered along the 150,000, with more than 30,000 local volunteer fighters, heavily outweighing the resistance fighters. However, the tide will turn after the Americans join the war, and Rennes is liberated on August 4, 1944. Most of Bretagne will follow suit, although some pockets of resistance remain in Lorient and Saint-Nazaire until mid-1945.
            If the r?sistance movement was relatively weak in Bretagne during the occupation, the reprisals against the occupants was by no means softer after liberation. 601 men would be promptly executed at a moment¡¯s notice. Although for quite some time it was said that WWII had cost Bretagne 240,000 lives, the number is today estimated to be closer to 120,000 victims. Whichever the case, this number has often been put forth as evidence of a ¡®Breton sacrifice¡¯ ? for the Republicans, a proof of blood to prove their loyalty to the patrie; for the catholiques, martyrs; for the nationalists and autonomists it was a sacrifice, a ¡®tax of blood¡¯.

IV.4 Breton Nationalism
            The Breton nationalist movement is widely referred to as the Emsav, a Breton word which signifies 'renovation', or 'uprising'. Yet While the Emsav is divided into three periods, (19th century - pre-1914, 1914 - 1945, and post WWII) this is more of a generalization that does not adequately the whole scope of the diversity and conflicts within the Breton nationalist movement itself. For the moment, the paper will discuss what is called the 'third' Emsav. It must be noted that the use of the word 'nationalist' in the official names or descriptions of political parties and organizations below may cause some confusion. One must keep in mind that these organizations are essentially regionalist movements - mostly secessionist, at least autonomist. The 'Parti National Breton,' for example, was a far-right, militant organization that strived for a Breton 'nation'. The fact that the majority of PNB vandalism activity (reaching its peak in 1936 following a PNB campaign of the sort) consisted of writing phrases like "La France est foutue", "Vive la Bretagne libre", "La Bretagne aux Bretons" on building walls, shows this well.

IV.5 Current Political Structure in Bretagne (52)
            To begin with, currently there are three active official political parties that are directly affiliated with Bretagne: the UDB (Union Democratique Bretonne), the Adsav, and the PB (Parti Breton). To add to that, there are several autonomous independence movements today - but most notably the FLB (Front de Liberation de la Bretagne), of which the ARB (L'Armee Revolutionnaire Bretonne) has gained notoriety for its aggressive and militant program.
            The UDB is a leftist organization, established in 1964. It is affiliated with the French Socialist and Communist Parties, and is strongly anti-FLB. However, there has been internal criticism on how the UDB has grown increasingly involved in national politics, and is more a 'PS regional' than an actual Breton political party. The Adsav and PB are right-wing parties; the Adsav was created in 2000, and the PB in 2002.
            The history of Bretagne's modern political activism begins with the Union Regionaliste Bretonne (URB), which was created in August 16, 1898 as Bretagne's first regionalist party. Yet during the early 20th century, two different movements will emerge from this foundation: the Federation regionaliste de Bretagne (founded by Maurice Duhamel in 1912 after leaving the URB), and the Unvaniez Yaouankiz Breiz (or Groupe Regionaliste Breton, founded by Job de Roinc- in 1918). It is from this latter (GRB) that the beginnings of what would turn into the third Emsav emerge.
            The PAB (Parti Autonomiste Breton) is founded in 1927, following after the GRB. However, the PAB experiences internal disputes set on fire by a lack of results in elections, and serious financial problems. In the end, the Federalists within the PAB would separate themselves to form the Ligue Federaliste de Bretagne (LFB); the Nationalists form the PNB (Parti Nationaliste Breton).
            Thus we have two large factions dividing Breton politics: the line of the Federalist branch (LFB), and that of the Nationalist Branch (PNB). The Federalist line is far simpler a history: the aforementioned Ligue Federaliste of Bretagne is less politically involved or aggressive than its counterpart, the PNB, its major activity consisting of the publication of a periodical: "La Bretagne Federaliste". The League dissolves after a while around 1935 - 1936, but Morvan Marchal, along with several original key members, would from the MFB (Mouvement Federaliste de Bretagne) in 1934. A same organization of the same name would reappear in 2004, as part of a national Federalist campaign.
            The organizations following the PNB are a bit more complicated. It must also be noted that this particular lineage of political parties and movements seem to be distinctly more directed towards militant activity. The PNB was also one of the largest congregations of Breton autonomists in Bretagne's history, but declined after the liberation of France, and subsequent accusations of PNB collaboration with invaders (53). At roughly the same time-period as the PNB, the 'Gwenn ha du' (which is also the name of Bretagne's flag) organized itself as a Para-military, nationalist terrorist group. In fact, the Gwenn ha du called itself the 'unofficial army branch of the PNB'. Although the Gwenn ha du¡¯s last act of terrorism was in 1941, the FLB/ARB (Front de Liberation de la Bretagne / Arm-e R-volutionnaire Bretonne) would be created in 1963 following in its steps. Also a far-right militant activist organization, its members were arrested by several dozens on multiple occasions, for violent behavior. Its political agenda was characterized by the combat against what was allegedly a ¡®forced colonization of Bretagne by France¡¯ (54).
            Anyhow, despite the dissolution of the PNB, Yann Fouere, a key member of the Party, would lead on to create the MOB (Mouvement pour l'organisation de la Bretagne) as a 'succeeding' organization. The MOB too is characterized by fervent nationalism/regionalism and militant activity. However, the MOB will suffer from internal disputes as did the PAB once before. The left and right factions will separate themselves over an extended period beginning from1963, with the majority of leftist members leaving the Mouvement the create the UDB (Union Democratique de la Bretagne) in 1964. As previously mentioned, the UDB is a left-wing regionalist party that still exists today, strongly affiliated with French Communist and Socialist parties. The activities of the remnants of the MOB will dwindle down to publishing one periodical journal, the "Sav Breizh". This publication aimed at rallying young militants to the MOB's cause, and against the UDB. The Nationalist Branch of the UDB will survive, however, as Jean le Calvez will organize the 'Strollad ar Vro' - 'le Parti du Pays' - in 1972. Although it disappears in 1977, it remains significant in that it led on to the creation of the POBL (Parti pour l'Organisation de la Bretagne Libre) in 1982, a right (or center-right) organization. The POBL is the organization which will give birth to both the Adsav and the PB respectively in 2000 and 2002. The Adsav, a nationalist right-wing party, consists of most of the members of the former POBL, with what was left of POBL having been absorbed into the PB. What is quite significant is that the formation of Adsav was in fact carried out under the leadership of Padrig Montauzier, former member of the aforementioned militant FLB/ARB, who himself was accused of having attempted terrorist attacks on the Versailles (55).
            In conclusion, one can spot an important trend in the history of Breton political activism. For almost a century, the political domain (at least, the most active part of it) had been dominated by organizations that were either straightforwardly far-right/militant, or had such origins. Although various parties and movements rose and fell during the last few decades, one can easily spot the continuation in trend starting with the PNB; each time an organization dissolved, members would stay to continue and create a new one. The three current major Breton political parties, for example, all have their origins in the nationalist/militant PNB. It is far more obvious for the UDB, which was a direct 'descendant' of the MOB, which itself was the successor of the PNB, now widely criticized for the semi-fascist political philosophy once harbored by some of its members, and collaboration with Nazi Germany during the Occupation. The PB and Adsav were both created from the exact members that constituted the POBL, which itself followed the Strollad al Vro - the purely nationalist branch of the MOB. What is more unsettling is that the Adsav was not only created from the POBL, but also by Padrig Montauzier himself - former ARB member and possible 'terrorist'.
            These qualms are well verified in the claims of the FLB/ARB itself. Below are translated excerpts from its manifesto (January 1978)

- The Breton people suffer the imperialist oppression of French capitalism
- The Breton people are victims of the exploitations of French capitalism (...)
- The Breton territory is monopolized (threatened, overcome) by French military camps, tourist attractions, and nuclear facilities.
- The Breton language and culture have been destroyed by the cultural ideology of the powerful.

Faced with such a situation, we swear to put in place 5 points of the Revolutionary Program of National and Socialist Liberation of Bretagne:
1 - We will attack the symbols and representatives of the French imperialism in Bretagne (...)
2 - We affirm that only the total collapse of capitalism (...) will permit workers to control the means of production (...) (56)

IV.6 Analysis

V. The Language Policy in France
            What may be considered France¡¯s first restrictive language policy begins with the French Revolution of 1789. Prior to the Revolution, the central authorities did not take a strong stance against regional dialects. But during the first periods following the Revolution a ¡®liberty of language for all citizens of the Republic¡¯ had been announced, which would soon be annulled - in the name of the unity of the state under a single common language. This ideology would well carry itself into 21st century France.
            The need to establish French as the sole language of the country took a rather aggressive, pro-active stance with the ¡®Report on the necessity and means to annihilate the patois and to universalize the use of the French language,¡¯ by Henri Gr-goire (57). Note the use of the words ¡®necessity to annihilate.¡¯ In the same year, the government decreed that French would be the ¡®only language tolerated¡¯ in not only schools but also public life. The first law allowing the right of regional languages to exist would only appear again in the mid-20th century.
            Although it had not been successfully employed by the revolutionaries - due to lack of time and money - the widespread use of French was backed by the then-nationwide patriotic zeal. Such a trend would inexorably lead to the more concrete establishment of French as the single language for education in the 1880s, as by the time of the Third Republic French had become the only majorly spoken language in the country, (compared to only 3 million out of 25 million French who spoke Parisian French as a native tongue- and also as most of the written material at the time was available in the language. Such a policy would be integrated into the Third Republic¡¯s efforts to provide free compulsory education, leading to further ¡®frenchification¡¯ of the nation¡¯s spoken dialect. Strictly maintained, the use of any other languages were completely prohibited, and transgressions were severely punished. In 1918, the use of German in Alsace-Lorraine would be outlawed.
            As was the case during the French Revolution, the government appealed to the public¡¯s sense of patriotism. In 1925, Minister of public education Anatole de Monzie stated that "for the linguistic unity of France, the Breton language must disappear" (58). What resulted was less in the form of dissent at having their native tongues suppressed by the central government but rather shame at using their own language. Over time, many families stopped teaching regional dialects to their children, opting to speak only Parisian French with them.
            As mentioned above, the Deixonne Law of 1951 was the first to recognize the right for regional dialects to exist. However, this law was far from actively pursuing the preservation of tongues. Although it allowed for the education of local languages, it was limited to one or two hours a day, and did not have obligatory status. As proficiency in French, and none other, was the prerequisite for success in the country, it did not become a popular phenomenon. Moreover, the law only accepted four languages in the educational system: Breton, basque, catalan and Occitan. In fact, although the law had prompted a stream of more than 30 proposed amendments and laws modifying, and pertaining to the implementation of the Deixonne Law and regional dialects, none were legally ¡®put under discussion,¡¯ that is, formally considered by the Parliament.
            The era also marked the first appearance of Breton in the public forum for the first time in centuries. Yet regional languages were still far from gaining back their original status. Even as recently as 1972, President Georges Pompidou declared that ¡°there is no place for the regional languages and cultures in a France that intends to mark Europe deeply.¡± (59) The constitution itself was amended in 1992, to explicitly state French as the sole language of the Republic.
            Controversy surrounding regional languages continues even today. In 1999, President Lionel Jospin had signed the Council of Europe's Charter for Regional or Minority Languages - intended for the preservation of ¡®endangered¡¯ languages, of which many are found in the French mainland and outer-sea territories. Yet it was not ratified in the end by France, as the Constitutional Council of France deemed such efforts to be unconstitutional - as the sole language of the Republic is French. The Charter, first adopted in 1992 has been ratified and implemented by 17 States, excluding France, as of 2007. (60)
            The failure to ratify the Charter, and ensuing debate, exposed the still widespread antagonism in France concerning linguistic diversification in the country. In what closely resembles the arguments propounded more than several centuries ago, statements are being made fearing ¡®babelism,¡¯ or the ¡®balkanization¡¯ of France, should regional dialects gain legal status - which would, according to some, lead to the inevitable ¡®ethnic separatism,¡¯ and division of the Republic of France. President Jacques Chirac sided with the opponents of ratification, stating that the Charter would ¡°threaten the indivisibility of the Republic, (... ...) unity of the French people,¡± and ¡°equality in front of the Law.¡± (61) Note that the charter, as mentioned above, only aims at the protection and promotion of historical regional and minority languages.
            For a country stressing its virtues of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, it seems a crude irony that in fact the central French government had denied its ¡®brothers¡¯ the liberty to speak their native tongue - in denying them the equal respect and consideration reserved only for Parisian French. In 2001, the PISA (Program for International student Assessment) published a study on the educational system of six European countries, (United Kingdom, Canada, Finland, Sweden, France and the Netherlands) in which it stated :

            "All countries except France recognise mother-tongue support as an important element for integration and education. Most countries provide a combination of support in the mother tongue language and the language of instruction. France, on the other hand, stresses the acquisition of French as the key prerequisite for educational success. In Canada, "inter-cultural education" is part of the school curriculum." (62)

            The French administration has taken surprisingly harsh and overt action in openly suppressing regional dialects. Even today, regional dialects are derided - if not by the government, by the non patois-speaking public. Endangered languages in France currently include Romance languages such as Catalan, Corsican, Franco-Proven?al, O'l languages, Occitan, Germanic languages such as Alsatian, West Flemish, Franconian German, Celtic languages such as Breton, and also Basque. As a statistic, more than one million people spoke Breton as their main language by the 1950s. today, only 250,000 are able to speak Breton, and the majority of these people are elderly. Occitan, the O'l languages, and other languages have followed similar trends. Popular demand in fact seems to request government advocation of the education on regional languages.

VI. Conclusion and Analysis

VII. Appendix

Bretagne Resistance Organizations
The Development of Breton Autonomist Parties
VIII. Notes

Alsace-Lorraine
(1) Article : Alsace-Lorraine, from Wikipedia
(2) Article : Franco-Prussian War, from Wikipedia
(3) Article : Ems Dispatch, from Wikipedia. This refers to the 'Ems Dispatch' telegram. The telegram had been personally modified by Bismarck, giving nuances to the French that the King had insulted them, and to the Germans that the French had insulted the King. Although not the only cause, this is the igniting spark of the Franco-German war (1870 - 1871).
(4) Baud 2001
(5) Blanchenoix 2005, the coup-d'etat occurs within Paris, after news of Napoleon III's capture is public.
(6) Article : Franco-Prussian War, from Wikipedia
(7) Baud 2001
(8) Uberfil 2007
(9) ibid.
(10) Henze 2005. This consisted of overly-harsh treatment against soldiers originating from Alsace-Lorraine; An officer allegedly proposed a bounty for any soldiers who would 'stab an Alsatian soldier'. Although it was not a serious remark, this enflamed the public.
(11) Levy 1929
(12) Article : Alsace-Lorraine, from Wikipedia
(13) Blanchenoix 2005
(14) ibid.
(15) ibid.
(16) ibid.
(17) ibid.
(18) Favart 1996. These are memories recounted by the author.
(19) ibid.
(20) Henze 2005
(21) Hannam 2007
(22) Favart 1996
(23) ibid.
(24) Blanchenoix 2005
(25) ibid.
(26) Article : Alsace-Lorraine, from Wikipedia
(27) Blanchenoix 2005

Corsica
(28) http://www.corsica.net/corsica/uk/discov/hist/index.htm
(29) Precis du Siecle de Louis XV.
(30) The Independent. Article: "Corsican nationalists dismiss French offer of limited autonomy". The offer was indeed 'limited,' however, the fact remains that the French offer of "The teaching of the Corsican language would be compulsory from kindergarten, and island politicians would have more power over economic development, education, culture and the environment. The Corsican assembly would be allowed" only falling short of rights granted to Scotland and Northern Ireland, had been rejected by Corsicans themselves.
(31) Article : la Corse, from Wikipedia.fr
(32) Lichfield
(33) Article : Corse : permis de betonner -, from leJDD
(34) Lichfield
(35) Ratzel, Friedrich (1899). "La Corse, etude anthropogeographique". This is a theory first proposed by the 19th-century German theorist, Friedrich Ratzel.
(36) Griffiths 90. The defunct judiciary system eventually encouraged the widespread occurrences of vendetta-; in the island there was actually a social code which required Corsicans to kill anyone who had wronged the family honor. It is estimated that between 1683 and 1715, 30,000 people out of 120,000 had been killed by the result of such feuds.
(37) Monti. ¡±U 27 dicembre 1729, u tenente di Corti, riprisentante di l'esecutivu genuvese p- a pruvincia, cullava in u Boziu c- a truppa, per via ch- l'abitanti ricusavanu di pag- a tassa di dui seini istituita quattordeci anni nanzu. Quattordeci anni nanzu, era l'annu 1715. I Corsi avianu dumandatu - i Genuvesi ch- l'arme sianu interdette, ci- ch- -n cunvenia - u guvernu ch- vendia u permessu di purtalle. Finalmente, Genuva accett-,ma, per impatt-, messe, in cambiu, una tassa di dui seini - famiglia, ci- ch- facia tredeci solli - quattru danari. Qualch- annu dopu, u permessu di purt- l'arme f- torna addimessu, paghendu una patente, ma a tassa di i dui seini rest-. A' a fine di u 1729, -n ci era micca ch- u Boziu ch- ricusava di pagalla. Dopu - u Boziu ci f- l'Ampugnani, a Tavagna, l'Orezza, e Vallerustie... - cus- nasc- una rivolta ch- dur- quaranta anni.¡±
(38) In Bustanicu, the officers in charge of the harvest of this tax are impartial with an old man of the name of Cardone. The villagers take his defense then and drive out the officers genois, obliged to turn back and to regain Corte. The bells of the church sound with stolen and the revolt gains little by little the close villages then the pievi. This event is recognized as the element release of the revolt of Corsica who will lead to the independence of the island.
(39) Ettori, Fernand 368 - 415
(40) Article : Histoire de la Corse, from Wikipedia.fr
(41) ibid.
(42) La Maddalena, 22/25 February 1793
(43) Article : Histoire de la Corse, from Wikipedia.fr, along with Populstat
(44) Chart on Corsican population changes, from Populstat
(45) Article : Corse: permis de betonner - from le Journal Du Dimanche

Bretagne
(46) Turreau, Louis Marie
(47) Acad?mie de Rennes site
(48)
(49) Acad?mie de Rennes site
(50) See Appendix, Image 1
(51) Acad?mie de Rennes site
(52) See Appendix, Image 2
(53) http://meziant.free.fr/
(54) Ibid.
(55) Article: FLB, Wikipedia.fr
(56) http://meziant.free.fr/

The Language Policy in France
(57) ???? Dann
(58) ???? Monzie
(59) ???? Pompidou
(60) ???? Article: Wikipedia, "Charter for Regional or Minority Languages"
(61) ???? Chirac
(62) ???? OECD Report, pg. 16

XIX. Bibliography

Alsace-Lorraine
1. Uberfil, Fran?ois. Les marriages transfrontaliers entre Alsaciens et Allemands ? Strasbourg, 1871-1941
http://www.geographie.uni-marburg.de/parser/parser.php-file=/deframat/francais/4/4_4/uberfill/start.htm
2. Favart, Michel. "Les Alsaciens ou les Deux Mathilde". 1996.
3. Rigoulot, Pierre. "L'Alsace-Lorraine pendant la guerre". PUF, 1991
4. Levy, Paul. "Histoire linguistique d'Alsace et de Lorraine et La langue allemande". Les Belles lettres, 1929.
5. Henze, Sam. "France, Germany and the Struggle for the War-making Natural Resources of the Rhineland". ICE Case Studies Number 158, August, 2005.
6. Article : Alsace-Lorraine, from The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Micropedia Volume 12. 1998.
7. Article: Franco-Prussian War, from Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franco-Prussian_War
8. Article: Treaty of Frankfurt, from Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Treaty_of_Frankfurt
9. Blanchenoix, Noelle and Chapelle, Pierrette. Histoire-Geographie 2e. Fernand Nathan, 2005.
10. Baud. Histoire Geographie 2e, edition 2001. Hatier, 2001
11. Article : Ems Dispatch, from Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ems_Dispatch
12. Ganse, Alexander. World History at KMLA; History of Alsace-Lorraine. http://www.zum.de/whkmla/region/germany/xalsacelorraine.html. Last revised November 24th 2007

Corsica 13.Corsica.net. http://www.corsica.net/corsica/uk/discov/hist
14. Precis du Siecle de Louis XV. Voltaire. http://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Pr%C3%A9cis_du_si%C3%A8cle_de_Louis_XV. Last updated August 4th, 2007
15. Article : "Corsican nationalists dismiss French offer of limited autonomy". The Independent. John Lichfield. Wednesday, 12 July 2000. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/corsican-nationalists-dismiss-french-offer-of-limited-autonomy-707697.html
16.http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/geo_0003-4010_1899_num_8_40_6121-_Prescripts_Search_isPortletOuvrage=false
16. Ratzel, Friedrich (1899). "La Corse, etude anthropogeographique". Annales de Geographie : 304-329. http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/geo_0003-4010_1899_num_8_40_6121-_Prescripts_Search_isPortletOuvrage=false.
17. Article: Corsica. Encyclopedia Britannica online http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/138780/Corsica/253117/History
18. Griffiths, John Gwyn. ¡°Divine Verdict: A Study of Divine Judgement in the Ancient Religions¡±. BRILL, p.90, ISBN 900409231
19. Ettori, Fernand. ¡°A la recherche de la culture corse. Fille de l¡¯Italie ou de la France¡°, in: Le memorial des Corses, Ajaccio. 4: 368 - 415
20. Monti, Anton Dumenicu. ¡°Cronach 2¡±. From Logos Library, ¡°Collezioni Online¡± book downloads. http://www.logoslibrary.eu/pls/wordtc/new_wordtheque.download_files-zip=Cronach2&lg=co&nf=269
21. Article : The baptism of fire of a young Lieutenant Colonel, a certain Napoleone Di Buonaparte from Ajaccio, by Maurizio Cinti. La Maddalena, 22/25 February 1793. http://www.napoleon-series.org/military/battles/c_maddalena.html Retrieved on 2008-05-29.
22. Article : History of Corsica, from Speedylook http://www.speedylook.com/History_of_Corsica.html
23. Chart on Corsican population changes, from http://www.populstat.info
24. http://www.corsica-isula.com/public.htm Retrieved on 2009-01-10
25. Article : Corsican nationalists dismiss French offer of limited autonomy, by John Lichfield, from The Independent. 12 July, 2000. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/corsican-nationalists-dismiss-french-offer-of-limited-autonomy-707697.html
26. Article : Corse: permis de betonner, by Christophe Israel, from le Journal Du Dimanche (LeJDD). April 29, 2008 http://www.lejdd.fr/cmc/societe/200818/corse-permis-de-betonner_112876.html
27. Article : Massive urbanization of Corsica, from The Surfrider Foudation, Europe. 19/06/2006. Retrieved 2009-01-10. http://www.surfrider.eu/en/environment-local-actions/local-actions/keepers-of-the-coast/gdc-detail/gdc/80/corse-aleria.html

Bretagne
28. http://www.herodote.net/histoire/evenement.php-jour=17950721
29. Article : Lazare Hoche, Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lazare_Hoche
30. Article : Brittany, Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brittany
31. Fleuriot, L?on. Les Origines de la Bretagne.
32. Smith, Julia M. H. Province and Empire: Brittany and the Carolingians. Cambridge University Press: 1992.
33. Istor Breizh e saozneg - History of Brittany in English. http://buan1.chez.com/history_of_brittany.htm
34. Personelezh Breizh e saozneg - Breton identity. http://www.breizh.net/identity/
35. Diagram of French Presidential Elections (2007). http://strangemaps.wordpress.com/2007/04/25/108-the-geography-of-frances-presidential-elections/ ?
36. Interview with Joel Cornette, by Blog Breizh. http://blog.breizh.bz/-66-joel-cornette-mon-histoire-de-la-bretagne-et-des-bretons
37. Turreau, Louis Marie. "M?moires pour servir ? l'histoire de la guerre de la Vend?e"
38. Acad?mie de Rennes site. ¡°Bretagne et la Seconde Guerre Mondiale¡±. http://www.ac-rennes.fr/pedagogie/hist_geo/ResPeda/questionschaudes/bretagne.htm
39. Site on Breton Nationalism. http://meziant.free.fr/
40. personal Breton site: ¡°Why Liberation?¡± http://emgann.chez.com/lang/anglais.htm

The Language Policy in France
41. PISA, 2004, What Makes School Systems Perform- p. 49
42. Jacques Chirac, speech in September 21, 2000.
43. Site: "La politique des langues regionales et minoritaires," http://www.tlfq.ulaval.ca/axl/europe/france-3politik_minorites.htm, cited February 2009
44. Loi no-51-46 du 11 janvier 1951 relative a l'enseignement des langues et des dialectes locaux (Loi Deixonne)
45. Dann, Otto. "The Invention of National Languages," Unity and Diversity in European Culture C. 1800, ed. Tim Blanning and Hagen Schulze New York: Oxford University Press, 2006
46. Monzie, Anatole. Speech during the inauguration of the Pavillion de la Bretagne at the Exposition Universelle. July 19, 1925 http://contreculture.org/AT%20Tol%E9rance%20%E0%20la%20fran%E7aise.html
47. Pompidou, Georges. Speech made in 1972.
48. Article: Wikipedia, "Charter for Regional or Minority Languages" http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Charter_for_Regional_or_Minority_Languages
49. OECD. Report for Program For International Student Assessment. http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/30/24/33858946.pdf



10. 9. 2009 Normandy eliminated; research limited to Alsace, Bretagne, Corsica



Bretagne. as of August 16th. Go to Teacher's Comment

III. Breton Nationalism

            The Breton nationalist movement is widely referred to as the Emsav, a Breton word which signifies 'renovation', or 'uprising'. Yet While the Emsav is divided into three periods, (19th century - pre-1914, 1914 ? 1945, and post WWII) this is more of a generalization that does not adequately the whole scope of the diversity and conflicts within the Breton nationalist movement itself. For the moment, below is the elaboration of what is called the 'third' Emsav.
            It must be noted that the use of the word 'nationalist' in the official names or descriptions of political parties and organizations below may cause some confusion. One must keep in mind that these organizations are essentially regionalist movements ? mostly secessionist, at least autonomist. The 'Parti National Breton,' for example, was a far-right, militant organization that strived for a Breton 'nation'. The fact that the majority of PNB vandalism activity (reaching its peak in 1936 following a PNB campaign of the sort) consisted of writing phrases like "La France est foutue", "Vive la Bretagne libre", "La Bretagne aux Bretons" on building walls, shows this well.

           

The Development of Breton Autonomist Parties
IV. Current Political Structure in Bretagne

            To begin with, currently there are three active official political parties that are directly affiliated with Bretagne: the UDB (Union Democratique Bretonne), the Adsav, and the PB (Parti Breton). To add to that, there are several autonomous independence movements today ? but most notably the FLB (Front de Liberation de la Bretagne), of which the ARB (L'Armee Revolutionnaire Bretonne) has gained notoriety for its aggressive and militant program.
            The UDB is a leftist organization, established in 1964. It is affiliated with the French Socialist and Communist Parties, and is strongly anti-FLB. However, there has been internal criticism on how the UDB has grown increasingly involved in national politics, and is more a 'PS r?gional' than an actual Breton political party. The Adsav and PB are right-wing parties; the Adsav was created in 2000, and the PB in 2002.

V. Brief History of Bretagne's Nationalism : The Third Emsav

            The history of Bretagne's modern political activism begins with the Union R?gionaliste Bretonne (URB), which was created in August 16, 1898 as Bretagne's first regionalist party. Yet during the early 20th century, two different movements will emerge from this foundation: the Federation regionaliste de Bretagne (founded by Maurice Duhamel in 1912 after leaving the URB), and the Unvaniez Yaouankiz Breiz (or Groupe Regionaliste Breton, founded by Job de Roinc? in 1918). It is from this latter (GRB) that the beginnings of what would turn into the third Emsav emerge.
            The PAB (Parti Autonomiste Breton) is founded in 1927, following after the GRB. However, the PAB experiences internal disputes set on fire by a lack of results in elections, and serious financial problems. In the end, the Federalists within the PAB would separate themselves to form the Ligue Federaliste de Bretagne (LFB); the Nationalists form the PNB (Parti Nationaliste Breton).
            Thus we have two large factions dividing Breton politics: the line of the Federalist branch (LFB), and that of the Nationalist Branch (PNB). The Federalist line is far simpler a history: the aforementioned Ligue Federaliste of Bretagne is less politically involved or aggressive than its counterpart, the PNB, its major activity consisting of the publication of a periodical: "La Bretagne Federaliste". The League dissolves after a while around 1935 - 1936, but Morvan Marchal, along with several original key members, would from the MFB (Mouvement Federaliste de Bretagne) in 1934. A same organization of the same name would reappear in 2004, as part of a national Federalist campaign.
            The organizations following the PNB are a bit more complicated. It must also be noted that this particular lineage of political parties and movements seem to be distinctly more directed towards militant activity. The PNB was also one of the largest congregations of Breton autonomists in Bretagne's history, but declined after the liberation of France, and subsequent accusations of PNB collaboration with invaders. (Will elaborate on this further next time.) At roughly the same time-period as the PNB, the 'Gwenn ha du' (which is also the name of Bretagne's flag) organized itself as a Para-military, nationalist terrorist group. (Will dedicate a separate chapter on this.) In fact, the Gwenn ha du called itself the 'unofficial army branch of the PNB'. Although the Gwenn ha du¡¯s last act of terrorism was in 1941, the FLB/ARB (Front de Liberation de la Bretagne / Arm?e R?volutionnaire Bretonne) would be created in 1963 following in its steps. Also a far-right militant activist organization, its members were arrested by several dozens on multiple occasions, for violent behavior. Its political agenda was characterized by the combat against what was allegedly a ¡®forced colonization of Bretagne by France¡¯.
            Anyhow, despite the dissolution of the PNB, Yann Fouere, a key member of the Party, would lead on to create the MOB (Mouvement pour l'organisation de la Bretagne) as a 'succeeding' organization. The MOB too is characterized by fervent nationalism/regionalism and militant activity. However, the MOB will suffer from internal disputes as did the PAB once before. The left and right factions will separate themselves over an extended period beginning from1963, with the majority of leftist members leaving the Mouvement the create the UDB (Union Democratique de la Bretagne) in 1964. As previously mentioned, the UDB is a left-wing regionalist party that still exists today, strongly affiliated with French Communist and Socialist parties. The activities of the remnants of the MOB will dwindle down to publishing one periodical journal, the "Sav Breizh". This publication aimed at rallying young militants to the MOB's cause, and against the UDB. The Nationalist Branch of the UDB will survive, however, as Jean le Calvez will organize the 'Strollad ar Vro' ? 'le Parti du Pays' ? in 1972. Although it disappears in 1977, it remains significant in that it led on to the creation of the POBL (Parti pour l'Organisation de la Bretagne Libre) in 1982, a right (or center-right) organization. The POBL is the organization which will give birth to both the Adsav and the PB respectively in 2000 and 2002. The Adsav, a nationalist right-wing party, consists of most of the members of the former POBL, with what was left of POBL having been absorbed into the PB. What is quite significant is that the formation of Adsav was in fact carried out under the leadership of Padrig Montauzier, former member of the aforementioned militant FLB/ARB, who himself was accused of having attempted terrorist attacks on the Versailles.
            In conclusion, one can spot an important trend in the history of Breton political activism. For almost a century, the political domain (at least, the most active part of it) had been dominated by organizations that were either straightforwardly far-right/militant, or had such origins. Although various parties and movements rose and fell during the last few decades, one can easily spot the continuation in trend starting with the PNB; each time an organization dissolved, members would stay to continue and create a new one. The three current major Breton political parties, for example, all have their origins in the nationalist/militant PNB. It is far more obvious for the UDB, which was a direct 'descendant' of the MOB, which itself was the successor of the PNB, now widely criticized for the semi-fascist political philosophy once harbored by some of its members, and collaboration with Nazi Germany during the Occupation. The PB and Adsav were both created from the exact members that constituted the POBL, which itself followed the Strollad al Vro ? the purely nationalist branch of the MOB. What is more unsettling is that the Adsav was not only created from the POBL, but also by Padrig Montauzier himself ? former ARB member and possible 'terrorist'.
            These qualms are well verified in the claims of the FLB/ARB itself. Below are excerpts from its manifesto (January 1978)

- Le Peuple Breton subit l'oppression imperialiste du pouvoir capitaliste français.
- Le Peuple Breton est victime de l'exploitation par le capitalisme français (...)
- Le territoire breton est accapare par les camps militaires de l'armee fran?aise, les implantations touristiques, les centrales nucleaires.
- La langue et la culture bretonnes sont bafouees et detruites pat l'ideologie culturelle du Pouvoir.

Face a cette situation, nous prenons l'engagement de mettre en oeuvre les 5 points du Programme Revolutionnaire de Liberation Nationale et Socialiste de la Bretagne :

1 - Nous frapperons les symboles et les representants de l'imperialisme français en Bretagne (...)
2 - Nous affirmons que seul l'aneantissement du capitalisme (...) rendra aux travailleurs bretons la possibilite de controler les leviers de la production, (...)

Translated:
- The Breton people suffer the imperialist oppression of French capitalism.
- The Breton people are victims of the exploitations of French capitalism (...)
- The Breton territory is monopolized (threatened, overcome) by French military camps, tourist attractions, and nuclear facilities.
- The Breton language and culture have been destroyed by the cultural ideology of the powerful.
Faced with such a situation, we swear to put in place 5 points of the Revolutionary Program of National and Socialist Liberation of Bretagne:

1 - We will attack the symbols and representatives of the French imperialism in Bretagne (...)
2 - We affirm that only the total collapse of capitalism (...) will permit workers to control the means of production (...)

References
Wikipedia Articles:
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Front_de_lib?ration_de_la_Bretagne
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adsav
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/F%C3%A9d%C3%A9ration_R%C3%A9gionaliste_Bretonne
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Front_de_Lib%C3%A9ration_de_la_Bretagne
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gwenn_ha_Du_(terrorisme)
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Adolphe_Fou%C3%A9r%C3%A9
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ligue_f%C3%A9d%C3%A9raliste_de_Bretagne
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Morvan_Marchal
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mouvement_f%C3%A9d%C3%A9raliste_breton
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mouvement_national_r%C3%A9publicain
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mouvement_r%C3%A9gionaliste_breton
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parti_autonomiste_breton
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parti_national_breton
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parti_communiste_fran%C3%A7ais
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Union_d%C3%A9mocratique_bretonne
http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Union_r%C3%A9gionaliste_bretonne
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Breton_nationalism

A rather interesting site with comprehensive links concerning Breton ¡®nationalism¡¯
http://meziant.free.fr/

personal Breton site: ¡°Why Liberation?¡±
http://emgann.chez.com/lang/anglais.htm



Bretagne. as of August 16th. Go to Teacher's Comment

II. History

            The Hundred Years War begins in 1341 in Bretagne, with the ducal title being claimed by two separate candidates: Charles de Blois (husband of Jeanne de Penthievre, granddaughter of Duke Arthur II's first marriage) and Jean de Montfort (son of a second marriage). The French King Philippe VI supported de Blois, while Monfort sought and received the support of the British. Decades of war end with the Montforts victorious; de Blois is killed in battle in 1364 at Auray.
            Having suffered an extended period of conflicts between two European monarchies, Bretagne seeks to reestablish its prosperity and individual authority over its territory. During the 15th century, various administrative institutions are put in place in Bretagne: a Council, a chancellery, a Chamber of Accounts, (under the Ancien R?gime, sovereign court charged with dealing with numerous aspects of the financial administration of the country ? Encyclopedia Britannica) and a Parliamentary court. However, if the rivalry between the French and British powers let Bretagne enjoy a short period of relative autonomy, the decades of British civil war nearing the end of the 15th century leads to the strengthening of French authority over Bretagne ? culminating through the marriage between the young Breton duchess Anne and French king Charles VIII.
            However, it is only in 1532 that Bretagne officially becomes part of the French kingdom. Two edicts had been issued by King Francis I, following requests from Breton states themselves. This was a politically beneficial move for both of the involved parties: Francis I would be able to harness the region¡¯s political influence under his direct supervision, and the Breton elite would be able to prosper under the auspices of the king. The fact that Bretagne had experienced little warfare during the previous three centuries (this part somewhat conflicts with the last statements I had written for Bretagne. I¡¯ll look into it a bit more) meant that it was able to avoid extraneous spending on the military. Bretagne was therefore able to stock up on much of its wealth. By the time of Francis I, the territory was characterized by agricultural diversity, flourishing industries (especially textiles), and dynamic international trade, with almost 100 autonomous Breton ports in operation.
            But by the 17th century, the economic prosperity starts to fade away along with Bretagne¡¯s amicable coexistence with the central government. Bretagne experiences quite a few civil revolts during this period. This is especially true in the countryside, where everyday life becomes more and more difficult from the 1660s and onward. Bretagne was then a very heavily populated area, comprising almost 10% of the whole French population on its own. It had been suffering under a series of famines and economic difficulties for decades, and to aggravate the situation local nobles had started to impose strong taxes on agricultural products. (Will elaborate)
            Yet the most serious problems arise with the beginnings of the Franco-Dutch War in 1672. Due to the flooding tactics of the Dutch, the war drags on, with mounting costs for the French government. The lengthening war led Louis XIV to declare a set of new taxes upon the whole country. In Bretagne this was not taken upon lightly, as the war was imposing an extraneous burden on them; not to mention the increased interference of the Dutch navy on Breton trade. Furthermore, until the status was suppressed in 1789 following the French Revolution, Bretagne remained a Pays d'Etats ? and thus had several immunities and autonomous privileges. For example, it was exempt from the national salt tax, (la "gabelle") and the government could not impose new taxes upon the region without consent of the Estates of Bretagne. In an attempt to expand its autonomy, the Breton Estates pay the huge sum of 8.9 million livres to the crown in order to abolish the Chambre des domaines, and purchase royal edicts establishing new taxes ? most of the sum was not even for the direct purchase itself, but gifts to appease the government. Yet it took only a year for the crown to restore these very edicts without consultation with the Estates. The imposition of tax on ¡®stamped paper¡¯ in 1673 and on tobacco in 1674 would seem a frontal insult to the Bretons, to whom this was a violation of their "libertes bretonnes". The general sentiment would strongly be against the central state. This sequence of events leads to an uprising in Rennes, better known as the Revolt of the Papier Timbr?, or as the revolt of the Bonnets Rouges. The Breton Parliament is forced to relocate in order to escape the angry mob. Migration towards the cities increases dramatically during this period, and the Breton population becomes more and more urban.
            (There have been posterior attempts to portray the incident as a Breton attempt at 'emancipation' ? among them Jo?l Cornette, a renown historian, in his publication Histoire de la Bretagne et des Bretons. Yet for a historian who claims to have done a work that is 'ideologically free,' he still seems to be somewhat inclined towards the establishment of a 'Breton ideal', or a separate 'Breton identity'. I believe such aspects must be considered before fully accepting his theses as completely neutral or objective. It must also be noted that his family is of Breton origin, a characteristic he seems to treasure. Also, another major attempt to portray the incident as such has been carried out by the French Communist Party ? one wonders whether ideological or political issues do not come into play.)
            As with the rest of the kingdom, the Breton villages of the 18th century benefit from an increase in their economic activities. The triangular trade greatly benefits Nantes, but also the region encompassing Saint-Malo and Lorient. The textile manufactured inland is shipped to Africa, where they are traded for local products such as coffee and tobacco, but mostly sugar. However, the Breton countryside does not benefit as much from this trade, as its production is mainly agricultural. Worse, New World crops such as potatoes have not yet reached Bretagne, making the winters especially harsh for the inhabitants of Basse-Bretagne. From the 18th century and onwards, the central administration increasingly extends its influence in the region. Although local Breton states often attempted to resist such an encroachment upon their autonomy, they never truly succeed in achieving a greater degree of independence. After his ascension to the throne in 1774, Louis XVI implements an intense policy of economic warfare. Bretagne, having been chosen as the front-line of the king¡¯s military plans, the small Breton town of Brest is transformed into a large naval fort at the hands of the architect Vauban. Brest becomes a center for intense naval construction.
            It is also in 1789 that the National Constituent Assembly would abolish feudal privileges within French territory. This would lead to the suppression of local estates which formerly possessed a great degree of political autonomy as Pays d'Etats. Bretagne is no exception, and its territory is divided into five departements. The outbreak of the Revolution in 1789 will be experienced to different degrees in Bretagne. Most heavily hit was its southern region, like Nantes, which was very close to the chaos of the Vendee. Despite the fact that local mobilization of the nantais against the attacking rebels helped the Republican army secure the region, and despite the significance of that particular aid, the Republican government will authorize the massacre of thousands of Breton sympathizers to the catholic/royalist cause. An example would be the expedition of Lazare Hoche, a general in the French Revolutionary army, who ordered the execution of all rebel prisoners (despite earlier assurances of safety) they had captured at Quiberon. (Will elaborate)

            "The siege of Nantes is perhaps the most important military event of our revolution. Perhaps the destinies of the Republic [herself] were tied to the resistance of this town.¡± Louis Marie Turreau


http://www.herodote.net/histoire/evenement.php?jour=17950721
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lazare_Hoche
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brittany
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lazare_Hoche



Bretagne. as of March 19th. Go to Teacher's Comment

I.      Preface
II.      History
III.      The Central Government's Policies on Bretagne
     III.1      Cultural
     III.2      Economic
IV.      The Cultural Status of Bretagne in France

I.      Preface

            The historical (and of course administrative) region of Bretagne sets itself in peculiar contrast with the rest of France, by maintaining a distinct Celtic identity. Hence its name Bretagne ? or in English, Brittany ? which hints at links with the island of Great Britain. The locals even have their own language, the Breton, which is a Celtic tongue and hence unassociated with Gallo-Romanic tongues.
            Such incongruities with mainland French culture could be explained in part by the fact that Bretagne (Breizh, in the Breton language) has remained independent from the rest of France for much longer than other regions. One only needs to see its regional flag to see an example of the sense of pride and distinctness that is still evident in present-day Bretagne. The Breton regional flag (the Gwenn-ha-Du, meaning 'White and Black.') is an explicit allusion to the times of the independent Breizh (1). The fact that the flag was created as recently as 1925 is but examples of the still present sense of pride that exists in modern Bretagne of its distinct heritage. Bretagne even has separate road signs and a number plate system independent of France (2).
            Such cultural differences have been the source of perennial conflict and misunderstandings between Bretagne and the rest of France. Often derided or excluded from the mainstream culture, Bretagne has long had reasons to maintain a sense of separateness from Parisian France.

II.      History

            Bretagne had formerly been an independent Celtic kingdom, before being assimilated into France. The Armorican peninsula where the region is found, had once been the site of several Celtic tribes ? which have been recorded to have traded with the Romans, (prior to their conquest of the area) and even as far away as present-day Rhineland. The Greek historian, Diodorus Siculus, along with roman philosopher Gaius Plinius Secundus (Pliny the Elder) have stated on the cultural ties between Celtic Britain and Bretagne (3). It is also recorded how, even after the campaign of Crassus in 57 BCE, Armoricans would continue their resistance efforts against Rome, supported by the Celtic aristocrats in Britain (Armorica was conquered by Julius Caesar in 56 BCE). Caesar even made two separate invasions of Britain, in 55 and 54 BCE respectively, as a retaliatory measure. Bretagne would be settled in earnest by the Britons between the 5th and 7th centuries (4), in major scale after the collapse of Rome.
            In the early Middle Ages, Bretagne was the site of three separate kingdoms: Domnonia, Cornouaille, and Bro Waroc¡¯h (The first two names are derived respectively from the aforementioned migrating tribes ? and regions ? from Britain: Devon and Cornwall). The first unified Kingdom of Brittany was founded in 845 by Nominoe, (Nomino? in French, and Nevenoe in Breton) who had been appointed to the position of ¡®ruler of all of Brittany¡¯ by Louis the Pious. Although initially a subject of the French throne, he rebelled against Charles the Bald, and Nominoe¡¯s army defeated the latter¡¯s forces in Eastern Bretagne, effectively consolidating control over the area.



            In 1488, King Charles VIII of France would submit Francis II, the last Duke of independent Brittany into defeat. The latter was forced to accept a treaty which gave the French monarch the right to determine the marriage of his daughter, (Duchess Anne) who was the only heir to the Duchy. Effectively, Louis XII of France would marry her. Although Anne would pass down the duchy onto her daughter Claude, Claude¡¯s husband ? Francis I of France ? would finally assimilate the duchy into mainland France in 1532.
            ....,. Notes

(1)      The eleven ermines refer to the kings and the dukes who governed independent Breizh. The strips represent the nine ancient bishoprics. The five black strips symbolize the dioceses of the gallo (French) language: Dol, Nantes, Rennes, St-Malo and St-Brieuc; the four white strips symbolize the Breton-speaking dioceses of Tregor, L?on, Cornouaille and Vannes.
(2)      The number plate hasn't got the blue strip with the letter "F" for France, but the symbol of Bretagne and the letters BZH for Breizh.

Bibliography

(1)      Fleuriot, Leon. Les Origines de la Bretagne
(2)      Smith, Julia M. H. Province and Empire: Brittany and the Carolingians. Cambridge University Press: 1992



The Language Policy in France. as of February 8th. Go to Teacher's Comment


            What may be considered France¡¯s first restrictive language policy begins with the French Revolution of 1789. Prior to the Revolution, the central authorities did not take a strong stance against regional dialects. But during the first periods following the Revolution a ¡®liberty of language for all citizens of the Republic¡¯ had been announced, which would soon be annulled ? in the name of the unity of the state under a single common language. This ideology would well carry itself into 21st century France.
            The need to establish French as the sole language of the country took a rather aggressive, pro-active stance with the ¡®Report on the necessity and means to annihilate the patois and to universalize the use of the French language,¡¯ by Henri Gr?goire (1). Note the use of the words ¡®necessity to annihilate.¡¯ In the same year, the government decreed that French would be the ¡®only language tolerated¡¯ in not only schools but also public life. The first law allowing the right of regional languages to exist would only appear again in the mid-20th century.
            Although it had not been successfully employed by the revolutionaries ? due to lack of time and money ? the widespread use of French was backed by the then-nationwide patriotic zeal (2). Such a trend would inexorably lead to the more concrete establishment of French as the single language for education in the 1880s, as by the time of the Third Republic French had become the only majorly spoken language in the country, (compared to only 3 million out of 25 million French who spoke Parisian French as a native tongue (3)) ? and also as most of the written material at the time was available in the language. Such a policy would be integrated into the Third Republic¡¯s efforts to provide free compulsory education, leading to further ¡®frenchification¡¯ of the nation¡¯s spoken dialect. Strictly maintained, the use of any other languages were completely prohibited, and transgressions were severely punished. In 1918, the use of German in Alsace-Lorraine would be outlawed.
            As was the case during the French Revolution, the government appealed to the public¡¯s sense of patriotism. In 1925, Minister of public education Anatole de Monzie stated that "for the linguistic unity of France, the Breton language must disappear" (4). What resulted was less in the form of dissent at having their native tongues suppressed by the central government but rather shame at using their own language. Over time, many families stopped teaching regional dialects to their children, opting to speak only Parisian French with them.
            As mentioned above, the Deixonne Law of 1951 was the first to recognize the right for regional dialects to exist. However, this law was far from actively pursuing the preservation of tongues. Although it allowed for the education of local languages, it was limited to one or two hours a day, and did not have obligatory status. As proficiency in French, and none other, was the prerequisite for success in the country, it did not become a popular phenomenon. Moreover, the law only accepted four languages in the educational system: Breton, basque, catalan and Occitan. In fact, although the law had prompted a stream of more than 30 proposed amendments and laws modifying, and pertaining to the implementation of the Deixonne Law and regional dialects, none were legally ¡®put under discussion,¡¯ that is, formally considered by the Parliament.
            The era also marked the first appearance of Breton in the public forum for the first time in centuries. Yet regional languages were still far from gaining back their original status. Even as recently as 1972, President Georges Pompidou declared that ¡°there is no place for the regional languages and cultures in a France that intends to mark Europe deeply.¡± (5) The constitution itself was amended in 1992, to explicitly state French as the sole language of the Republic.
            Controversy surrounding regional languages continues even today. In 1999, President Lionel Jospin had signed the Council of Europe's Charter for Regional or Minority Languages ? intended for the preservation of ¡®endangered¡¯ languages, of which many are found in the French mainland and outer-sea territories. Yet it was not ratified in the end by France, as the Constitutional Council of France deemed such efforts to be unconstitutional ? as the sole language of the Republic is French. The Charter, first adopted in 1992 has been ratified and implemented by 17 States, excluding France, as of 2007. (6)
            The failure to ratify the Charter, and ensuing debate, exposed the still widespread antagonism in France concerning linguistic diversification in the country. In what closely resembles the arguments propounded more than several centuries ago, statements are being made fearing ¡®babelism,¡¯ or the ¡®balkanization¡¯ of France, should regional dialects gain legal status ? which would, according to some, lead to the inevitable ¡®ethnic separatism,¡¯ and division of the Republic of France. President Jacques Chirac sided with the opponents of ratification, stating that the Charter would ¡°threaten the indivisibility of the Republic, (... ...) unity of the French people,¡± and ¡°equality in front of the Law.¡± (7) Note that the charter, as mentioned above, only aims at the protection and promotion of historical regional and minority languages.

Conclusion
            For a country stressing its virtues of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, it seems a crude irony that in fact the central French government had denied its ¡®brothers¡¯ the liberty to speak their native tongue ? in denying them the equal respect and consideration reserved only for Parisian French. In 2001, the PISA (Program for International student Assessment) published a study on the educational system of six European countries, (United Kingdom, Canada, Finland, Sweden, France and the Netherlands) in which it stated :

            "All countries except France recognise mother-tongue support as an important element for integration and education. Most countries provide a combination of support in the mother tongue language and the language of instruction. France, on the other hand, stresses the acquisition of French as the key prerequisite for educational success. In Canada, "inter-cultural education" is part of the school curriculum." (8)

            The French administration has taken surprisingly harsh and overt action in openly suppressing regional dialects. Even today, regional dialects are derided - if not by the government, by the non patois-speaking public. Endangered languages in France currently include Romance languages such as Catalan, Corsican, Franco-Provençal, O'l languages, Occitan, Germanic languages such as Alsatian, West Flemish, Franconian German, Celtic languages such as Breton, and also Basque. As a statistic, more than one million people spoke Breton as their main language by the 1950s. today, only 250,000 are able to speak Breton, and the majority of these people are elderly. Occitan, the O'l languages, and other languages have followed similar trends.
            Popular demand in fact seems to request government advocation of the education on regional languages.

Notes

(1)      Dann
(2)      I would like to research some more and find sources for this one, such as the one you told me earlier
(3)      I believe I would need a source to corroborate this information
(4)      Monzie
(5)      Pompidou
(6)      Article: Wikipedia, "Charter for Regional or Minority Languages"
(7)      Chirac
(8)      OECD Report, pg. 16

Bibliography

(1)      PISA, 2004, What Makes School Systems Perform? p. 49
(2)      Jacques Chirac, speech in September 21, 2000.
(3)      Site: "La politique des langues regionales et minoritaires," http://www.tlfq.ulaval.ca/axl/europe/france-3politik_minorites.htm, cited February 2009
(4)      Loi no?51-46 du 11 janvier 1951 relative a l'enseignement des langues et des dialectes locaux (Loi Deixonne)
(5)      Dann, Otto. "The Invention of National Languages," Unity and Diversity in European Culture C. 1800, ed. Tim Blanning and Hagen Schulze New York: Oxford University Press, 2006
(6)      Monzie, Anatole. Speech during the inauguration of the Pavillion de la Bretagne at the Exposition Universelle. July 19, 1925 http://contreculture.org/AT%20Tol%E9rance%20%E0%20la%20fran%E7aise.html
(7)      Pompidou, Georges. Speech made in 1972.
(8)      Article: Wikipedia, "Charter for Regional or Minority Languages" http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Charter_for_Regional_or_Minority_Languages
(9)      OECD. Report for Program For International Student Assessment. http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/30/24/33858946.pdf



Chapter II : Corsica, 3rd Update. as of January 10th. Go to Teacher's Comment

II.2.2 During the French Revolution (1789 ? 1799)
            The political unrest brought by the French Revolution led to political upheavals in Corsica as well, leading to the expulsion of the reamaining ancien regime¡¯s supporters. Pascal Paoli, who had been until then in exile in England, returns as a hero in 1790, invited by the National Constituent Assembly ? which also appoints him lieutenant-general. He takes this as an opportunity to once again establish a political foothold in the island of Corsica. Yet he is not entirely free of political dissent or friction. The events of June 1791, when Paoli suppresses a religious riot (13) at Bastia ? ensuing from the deposition of the local bishop who refused to take accept the civil Constitution of the Clergy (14) ? and moves the island¡¯s central town to Corte in 1792, deepen the crevice between him and the Corsican Jacobins (15). The fact that Paoli maintained a relatively sympathetic position against the royalty would add to the discord later on.
            In 1793, the Convention decides to keep a closer eye on Paoli, and sends three officers to Corsica to supervise him. Yet Paoli was increasingly set apart from the revolutionaries. The same year, Paoli intentonally sabotaged a military attack against Sardinia (17). Napoleon Bonaparte, who had taken part in the expedition, is outraged at this and denounces him as a traitor to the Convention. On April, the arrest warrants for Paoli have been issued, but the three aforementioned officers are unable to carry out the prosecution because of the firm foothold of supporters Paoli had established. Still under indictment of treason by the French Government, the latter finally splits from Mainland France?: he summons the Corsican assembly on May, and formally secedes from France ? with himself having been elected President. Proclaimed "le p?re du Patrie," (or Babbu di has Patria, in Corse) Paoli seeks assistance from the British for protection.
            Soon enough, a nearby British fleet comes to the aid of Corsica, defeating the remaining republican troops on the island. On June 10th 1794, the Anglo-Corsican Kingdom is proclaimed. Yet this period, as can be guessed from its name, was not a period of true independence. In fact more of a protectorate of the British, Paoli had to relinquish most power to Sir Gilbert, who is named viceroy of Corsica. Paoli¡¯s attempt at instigating a revolt fails, and he returns to Great Britain for exile. Not much after his leave, the British withdraw forces from Corsica despite earlier promises of protection, and France reconquers the island with ease on 1796.

II.2.3 Post-Revolutionary Corsica (1799 ? modern times)
            The turmoil surrounding Corsica, and its fervor for independence are somewhat watered down during the next century. In fact, during the First World War, Corsica would display the highest rate of mobilization?of all France: around 400,000 men, representing roughly a sixth of its population (16). This would result in a heavy blow to the island¡¯s economy. The severe shortage of labor led to a crippling decrease in Corsica¡¯s major agricultural industry. Corsica also served as a major medical base, along with shelter for prisoners of war and refugees (est. 4000 Serbians and Syrians).
            Despite such sacrifices, Corsica suffered from a lack of rationment and supplies from the mainland. At the end of the war, 150 000 men had been killed in duty - this loss, along with the refusal of many veterans to return to their homeland, led to an even sharper decline in the islands vitality and economy, due to the lack of manpower. The island¡¯s population, which had been increasing at a steady rate during the past century, (almost 90%, from 1801 to 1901) declined for the first time after World War I ? it would do so again after the Second World War, falling back to a total similar to that in 1801 (17). Overall, the loss of manpower contributed to a mass exodus from Corsica in favor of southern France. Compared with the island's present population of 250,000 the fact that there are now some 500,000 Corsicans in mainland France shows the severity of this trend ? this, when more than a quarter of the island¡¯s population is over 60, and immigrant workers make up 10%.
            Corsica, which had once attributed itself the term ??Patria?? as a demonstration of independence against mainland France, will declare its allegiance to the very entity it had sought so hard to free itself from, with the outbreak of World War II. Hence goes the famous ¡®Oath of Bastia,¡¯ by Jean Baptite Ferracci on December 4th, 1938?:

            "face au monde, de toute notre ame, sur nos gloires, sur nos tombes, sur nos berceaux, nous jurons de vivre et de mourir français." (18)

            It must be noted, the way which Ferracci swears, 'of all our souls, (...) on our graves, on our cradles, we swear to live, and die, French?'. It is rather ironic, that the very 'souls' of the Corsicans barely a few score years ago, not to mention the very occupants of the aforementioned 'graves,' had spilled their own blood for freedom from French rule. The next day saw the creation of antifascist commitees at Ajaccio and Bastia.
            The anti-french feelings which had subsided during the two war-periods would soon rear their heads again. The most notable crisis would be the events in Aleria. On August 21 1975, several dozen men occupied a ¡®pied-noir¡¯ wineyard in Aleria. Naming themselves the ARC, (Action R?gionaliste Corse) they claimed to be ready to divulge a financial scandal, grouped under the leadership of Edmond Simeoni. Michel Poniatowski, then Minister of Interior, sent more than a thousand police officers, along with helicopters, heavy artillery and even tanks. Two policemen were killed during the ensuing firefight, and Dr Simeoni hands himself over to the police in order to avoid larger casualties. However, many of the militants escaped, and violent struggles occur in nearby Bastia.

II.3 Contemporary Situation

II.3.1 Economy
            The Corsican economy is distinguished by its weak primary and secondary sectors, which barely make up 20% of the whole. But well over 8,500 attacks and 100 deaths over two decades have crippled tourism, the biggest single source of employment on the island, and forced thousands of young Corsicans to seek a living in mainland France or farther afield.
            The progression of the Corsican economy follows the general pattern of the French economy as a whole, but at about 20% of the national average per capita. The average pay is lower, and there are fewer working women in Corsica by comparison with the rest of France. Corsica also has the lowest concentration in France of technical diploma holders as a percentage of the working population.

to be continued

Notes

(4)      Article : la Corse, from Wikipedia.fr
(5)      Lichfield
(6)      Article : Corse : permis de betonner ?, from leJDD
(7)      Lichfield
(13)      Article : Histoire de la Corse, from Wikipedia.fr
(14)      ibid.
(15)      La Maddalena, 22/25 February 1793
(16)      Article : Histoire de la Corse, from Wikipedia.fr, along with Populstat
(17)      Chart on Corsican population changes, from Populstat
(18)      Article : Corse: permis de betonner ? from le Journal Du Dimanche

Bibliography

(10)      Article : The baptism of fire of a young Lieutenant Colonel, a certain Napoleone Di Buonaparte from Ajaccio, by Maurizio Cinti. La Maddalena, 22/25 February 1793. http://www.napoleon-series.org/military/battles/c_maddalena.html Retrieved on 2008-05-29.
(11)      Article : History of Corsica, from Speedylook http://www.speedylook.com/History_of_Corsica.html
(12)      Chart on Corsican population changes, from http://www.populstat.info
(13)      http://www.corsica-isula.com/public.htm Retrieved on 2009-01-10
(14)      Article : Corsican nationalists dismiss French offer of limited autonomy, by John Lichfield, from The Independent. 12 July, 2000. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/corsican-nationalists-dismiss-french-offer-of-limited-autonomy-707697.html
(15)      Article : Corse: permis de betonner ?, by Christophe Israel, from le Journal Du Dimanche (LeJDD). April 29, 2008 http://www.lejdd.fr/cmc/societe/200818/corse-permis-de-betonner_112876.html
(16)      Article : Massive urbanization of Corsica, from The Surfrider Foudation, Europe. 19/06/2006. Retrieved 2009-01-10. http://www.surfrider.eu/en/environment-local-actions/local-actions/keepers-of-the-coast/gdc-detail/gdc/80/corse-aleria.html



Chapter II : Corsica, 2nd Update. as of January 3rd. Go to Teacher's Comment

II.2.1 Pre-Revolutionary Period
            The violent history of Corsica can best be explained by its key strategic location, at the heart of the western Mediterranean. The island is only 12 kilometers from Sardinia, 50 kilometers from the Isle of Elba, 80 kilometers from the coast of Tuscany and 200 kilometers from the French port of Nice. (8)
            Corsica remained under Carthaginian rule until 237 BC, before its conquest by the Romans. It would further be placed under the Byzantine Empire in 522. After that, Corsica would be under the influence of frequently changing powers, mainly Arabic or Lombardian in nature. During the Middle Ages, Pisa took over Corsica for a brief period, yet had to give it up to the Republic of Genoa following the Battle of Meloria. It would remain so for 500 years, during which Corsica would be treated as a colony of the Republic. It was sold to France in 1768.
            Yet for decades leading up to this purchase, and even under French rule, Corsicans will fight continuously for their independance. Although such efforts have much died down in present days, in order to further better understand the tensions between Corsica and mainland France, one must keep in mind the historical antagonism between the two entities that began three centuries ago.
            The first of the large-scale riots erupted in 1729, while Corsica was still under Genoan rule. The revolt, which first started in the village of Bostanicu (Boziu) spread rapidly across the island, feeding off the widespread antagonism towards Genoan rule at the time. While not the worst of regimes, its corrupt judiciary system (9) and heavy taxes were very unpopular ? and the addition of a new tax, known as dui seini, (10) unclenched the revolt. (11) in the words of F. Ettori, a French historian?:
            "La memoire populaire, qui fait l'histoire avant les historiens, a plac? au seuil de la revolution l'image ?mouvante du vieillard de Bustanicu. Serrant entre ses pauvres doigts uses la taille amass?e sou ? sou, il ne comprend pas l'archanement du collecteur ? lui reclamer une petite pi?ce suppl?mentaire, un huiti?me de dernier, la fameuse "baiocca" qui mettra le feu ? l'indignation du village." (12)
            As Corsica¡¯s position in Genoan politics was only one of an economic colony, the Corsicans often found themselves exploited or put under heavier taxation than other provinces. Corsicans responded by refusing to pay taxes to the Republic, and armed robberies and bandits appeared increasingly on the island. Finally, as their control upon the island was stretched too thin, Genoa will ask for the help of Charles VI, who sends an army in 1731. This intervention was pushed back once, but within weeks Corsica was back under the control of the Republic of Genoa - which would make several concessions to the islanders, but the latter will judge them still insufficient. As such, a second rebellion restarts in a couple of months, under the leadership of Hyacinthe Paoli, father of Pascal Paoli.
            In April 15th, 1736, Theodore de Neuhoff is elected as king of Corsica by the islanders, who subsequently put in place an independent political and legislative structure. Seeing this situation, France decides to intervene in the situation should Genoa openly request for the kingdom¡¯s help. From 1738 to 1741, French troops would be sent to the island, forcing Hyacinthe Paoli to flee in exile along with his son, Pascal Paoli. Yet another insurgence will occur in 1745, as Theodore de Neuhoff returns with the help of the British. However, a second intervention by the French will defeat them once more, restoring Genoan control.
            Yet not all Corsicans were willing to accept the administration of the Marquis of Cursay, and Pascal Paoli is recalled to Corsica following the assassination of Gaffori, whose place as a leader Paoli will replace. He will follow by becoming elected General-in-Chief of Corsica, and adopting a new constitution. Revolts occur within the island against him, from regions that were influenced and pressured by the Republic, but Paoli crushes the insurrection. He also creates a navy, but fails in his attempts to conquer Genoan coastal territories.
            In 1762, Corsica adopts the ¡®moor¡¯s head¡¯ as its official flag, which still rests today. Yet two years later, the French will again deploy its troops following the Treaty of Compiegne, occupying a large part of Corsican territory. Corte becomes capital of Corsica in 1765, along with the foundation of a university at the capital. The situation is rapidly accelerated on May 5th, 1768, as Genoa accedes control of Corsica over to France.

Notes

(1)      http://www.corsica.net/corsica/uk/discov/hist/index.htm
(2)      Precis du Siecle de Louis XV.
(3)      The Independent. Article: "Corsican nationalists dismiss French offer of limited autonomy". The offer was indeed 'limited,' however, the fact remains that the French offer of "The teaching of the Corsican language would be compulsory from kindergarten, and island politicians would have more power over economic development, education, culture and the environment. The Corsican assembly would be allowed" only falling short of rights granted to Scotland and Northern Ireland, had been rejected by Corsicans themselves.
(4)     
(5)     
(6)     
(7)     
(8)      Ratzel, Friedrich (1899). "La Corse, etude anthropogeographique". This is a theory first proposed by the 19th-century German theorist, Friedrich Ratzel.
(9)      Griffiths 90. The defunct judiciary system eventually encouraged the widespread occurrences of vendetta?; in the island there was actually a social code which required Corsicans to kill anyone who had wronged the family honor. It is estimated that between 1683 and 1715, 30,000 people out of 120,000 had been killed by the result of such feuds.
(10)      Monti. ¡±U 27 dicembre 1729, u tenente di Corti, riprisentante di l'esecutivu genuvese p? a pruvincia, cullava in u Boziu c? a truppa, per via ch? l'abitanti ricusavanu di pag? a tassa di dui seini istituita quattordeci anni nanzu. Quattordeci anni nanzu, era l'annu 1715. I Corsi avianu dumandatu ? i Genuvesi ch? l'arme sianu interdette, ci? ch? ?n cunvenia ? u guvernu ch? vendia u permessu di purtalle. Finalmente, Genuva accett?,ma, per impatt?, messe, in cambiu, una tassa di dui seini ? famiglia, ci? ch? facia tredeci solli ? quattru danari. Qualch? annu dopu, u permessu di purt? l'arme f? torna addimessu, paghendu una patente, ma a tassa di i dui seini rest?. A' a fine di u 1729, ?n ci era micca ch? u Boziu ch? ricusava di pagalla. Dopu ? u Boziu ci f? l'Ampugnani, a Tavagna, l'Orezza, e Vallerustie... ? cus? nasc? una rivolta ch? dur? quaranta anni.¡±
(11)      In Bustanicu, the officers in charge of the harvest of this tax are impartial with an old man of the name of Cardone. The villagers take his defense then and drive out the officers g?nois, obliged to turn back and to regain Corte. The bells of the church sound with stolen and the revolt gains little by little the close villages then the pievi. This event is recognized as the element release of the revolt of Corsica who will lead to the independence of the island.
(12)      Ettori, Fernand 368 - 415

Bibliography

(1)      Corsica.net. http://www.corsica.net/corsica/uk/discov/hist
(2)      Precis du Siecle de Louis XV. Voltaire. Online version from : http://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Pr%C3%A9cis_du_si%C3%A8cle_de_Louis_XV. Last updated August 4th, 2007 at 09:41.
(3)      Article : "Corsican nationalists dismiss French offer of limited autonomy". The Independent. By John Lichfield. Wednesday, 12 July 2000. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/corsican-nationalists-dismiss-french-offer-of-limited-autonomy-707697.html
(4)      http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/geo_0003-4010_1899_num_8_40_6121?_Prescripts_Search_isPortletOuvrage=false
(5)      Ratzel, Friedrich (1899). "La Corse, etude anthropogeographique". Annales de Geographie : 304-329. http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/geo_0003-4010_1899_num_8_40_6121?_Prescripts_Search_isPortletOuvrage=false.
(6)      Article?: Corsica. Encyclopedia Britannica online http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/138780/Corsica/253117/History
(7)      Griffiths, John Gwyn. ¡°Divine Verdict: A Study of Divine Judgement in the Ancient Religions¡±. BRILL, p.?90, ISBN 900409231
(8)      Ettori, Fernand. ¡°A la recherche de la culture corse. Fille de l¡¯Italie ou de la France??¡°, in?: ??Le memorial des Corses?? , Ajaccio. 4?: 368 - 415
(9)      Monti, Anton Dumenicu. ¡°Cronach 2¡±. From Logos Library, ¡°Collezioni Online¡± book downloads. http://www.logoslibrary.eu/pls/wordtc/new_wordtheque.download_files?zip=Cronach2&lg=co&nf=269




Chapter II : Corsica, 1st Update. as of December 31st . Go to Teacher's Comment

LJH Comment : As you said, it might be better to work on a historical timescale (i.e. Pre-French Revolution, French Revolution to 1974, etc.). However, a uniform categorization does not seem to work with all the regions; some are suffering rather recently, while others are doing fine but have had a turbulent history. So I will rather work again from the basic table of contents above instead of the unnecessarily complicated one from before, and modify/add separate updated chapters each time. I hope a more general structure would surface soon enough. I think a modification of the term 'region' would be needed, (as you have once pointed out) and instead of throwing out the Massif Central, I would rather prefer it to refer to the area encompassing Centre, Limousin, Auvergne, etc. Also, instead of the original Alsace, I think it would make more sense in the form of Alsace-Lorraine. Below is the modified, longer preface, and I will next add notes to the Corsica chapter.


I. Preface
            The republic of France is often looked upon as the country most representative of the three ideals it stands for: Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. Yet this is not always the case, with more than several regions that have been historically neglected or isolated to varying extents. The French government has, in the past, implemented harsh policies of integration and assimilation towards regions that possessed independent cultures - this has resulted in the loss of priceless heritage from custom to language. Such regions would include, but are not limited to, Corsica, Bretagne, Alsace-Lorraine, and so on. Other areas suffer from modern-day economic isolation, such as the collection of agricultural regions in the Massif Central. While it should be noted that the French government no longer outwardly seeks a policy of segregation or indoctrination, its past efforts have left many regions half crippled, and helpless on their own. Such areas have little choice but to accept the influx of Parisian culture and capital - at the loss of their distinctive color and culture. The fact that hundreds of centuries-old buildings in Corsica are awaiting on the destruction list to be replaced by squalid concrete structures is but a single sad testimonial to this fact.
            As such, the aim of this paper is not only to interpret, from a historical perspective, the past of each selected region and the impact government policies (such as forced assimilation, political strife, or economic isolation) had in their respective time periods, but their lasting effects in modern times.
            It should be further noted that the term 'region' as quoted in this paper does not simply restrict itself to the identical term within the French administrative system, but in a broader sense, encompassing territories defined by a distinctive cultural or economic community. Hence Bretagne, Corsica and Normandy are already conveniently defined, but the more term 'Massif Central' would designate, in a more general fashion, the agricultural regions surrounding the mountain range of the same name in Central France (Centre, Limousin, Bourgogne, Auvergne). Alsace and Lorraine are combined into a single chapter in this paper.

II. Corsica

II.1 Introduction
            Corsica has endured for more than two thousand years a continuing series of invaders and colonizing powers. Ever since the first city had been founded on the island, it knew practically no lasting periods of peace. From the Carthaginians to the Romans, the Vandals, Byzantinians, Arabs, Lombards, Genoans, Aragonians and then the French - the island was considered a prize to be won by whomever could take it. (1) Yet it had remained proud of its distinct cultural heritage, and constantly sought its own independance - tentatives crushed down each time by force, just to rise up again. Such courage inspired contemporary Enlightenment philosophers such as Voltaire, who wrote :

            "(...) their principal weapon was their courage. It was during the battle of Ponte-Novu ; (...) to buy the time necessary for their army to make a final stand, they built a barricade out of their own dead ; the wounded voluntarily lay themselves down between their fallen comrades to strengthen the barricade... a human wall against steel bullets. We may find valour elsewhere, but such actions are to be seen only among free men." (2)

            However, decades of economic isolation and poverty seem to have succeded in what centuries of military conquest had failed in: the Corsican spirit of rebellion and independance have been replaced by a more general attitude of lethargy and resignation. Recently, it was the islanders themselves who had voted against the 'Corsican autonomy law' presented by the French Government in 2003. (3) Its economy is currently sundered, as primary and secondary sectors are almost void - and the island lives on tourism, most of which only centers around the northwest of the island. Its once productive agriculture had long since been crippled by competition from the mainland since the dawn of the 20th century. (4) Its population of around 280 000 now scatters along its coastline, 10% of its active population remains unemployed. Financial difficulties have deeply left their marks, and now it is Corsica itself which fears independence from France. (5) Its native culture is an endangered one, and ancient buildings and cities are destroyed to make space for newly built concrete structures. (6) Yet this does not mean there are no longer any efforts for independence - nor does the general lassitude signify the disappearance of tension. Rather, the danger of violent conflicts remain liable to re-erupt any time, as radicals and dissenters blame mainland France for the current stagnant situation in Corsica. (7)
            This chapter will briefly summarize the island's turbulent history from the Carthaginians to its Medieval period, and then concentrate on its assimilation into French territory and the resulting conflicts, as the understanding of Corsica's history is necessary in order to fully comprehend the island's formation and current situation.

II.2 History

II.2.1 Pre-Revolutionary Period
            The violent history of Corsica can best be explained by its key strategic location, at the heart of the western Mediterranean. The island is only 12 kilometers from Sardinia, 50 kilometers from the Isle of Elba, 80 kilometers from the coast of Tuscany and 200 kilometers from the French port of Nice. (8)
            Corsica remained under Carthaginian rule until 237 BC, before its conquest by the Romans. It would further be placed under the Byzantine Empire in 522. After that, Corsica would be under the influence of frequently changing powers, mainly Arabic or Lombardian in nature. During the Middle Ages, Pisa took over Corsica for a brief period, yet had to give it up to the Republic of Genoa following the Battle of Meloria. It would remain so for 500 years, during which Corsica would be treated as a colony of the Republic. It was sold to France in 1768.

Notes

(1)      http://www.corsica.net/corsica/uk/discov/hist/index.htm
(2)      Precis du Siecle de Louis XV.
(3)      The Independent. Article: "Corsican nationalists dismiss French offer of limited autonomy". The offer was indeed 'limited,' however, the fact remains that the French offer of "The teaching of the Corsican language would be compulsory from kindergarten, and island politicians would have more power over economic development, education, culture and the environment. The Corsican assembly would be allowed" only falling short of rights granted to Scotland and Northern Ireland, had been rejected by Corsicans themselves.
(4)     
(5)     
(6)     
(7)     
(8)      Ratzel, Friedrich (1899). "La Corse, etude anthropogeographique". This is a theory first proposed by the 19th-century German theorist, Friedrich Ratzel.

Bibliography

(1)      Corsica.net. http://www.corsica.net/corsica/uk/discov/hist
(2)      Precis du Siecle de Louis XV. Voltaire. Online version from : http://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Pr%C3%A9cis_du_si%C3%A8cle_de_Louis_XV. Last updated August 4th, 2007 at 09:41.
(3)      Article : "Corsican nationalists dismiss French offer of limited autonomy". The Independent. By John Lichfield. Wednesday, 12 July 2000. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/corsican-nationalists-dismiss-french-offer-of-limited-autonomy-707697.html
(4)      http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/geo_0003-4010_1899_num_8_40_6121?_Prescripts_Search_isPortletOuvrage=false
(5)      Ratzel, Friedrich (1899). "La Corse, etude anthropogeographique". Annales de Geographie : 304-329. http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/geo_0003-4010_1899_num_8_40_6121?_Prescripts_Search_isPortletOuvrage=false.




Working Table of Contents, 1st Update. as of December 31st . Go to Teacher's Comment

I. Preface
II. Corsica
II.1 Introduction
II.2 History
II.2.1 Pre-Revolutionary Corsica
II.2.2 During the French Revolution (1789-1799)
II.2.3 Post-Revolutionary Corsica (1799-modern times)
III. Alsace - Lorraine
IV. Bretagne
V. Normandy
VI. Massif Central
VII. Conclusion and Analysis
Notes
Bibliography



Chapter II : Corsica. as of September 20th . Go to Teacher's Comment

I. Preface
            The republic of France is often looked upon as the country most representative of the three ideals it stands for: Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. Yet this is not always the case in mainland France, with many regions that have historically been, (and still are being) neglected or isolated to a certain extent. France has, in the past, implemented harsh policies of integration and assimilation towards regions that had their own independent cultures, resulting in the loss of heritages such as language or custom. Such regions would include, but are not limited to, Corsica, Bretagne, Alsace-Lorraine, and so on. Other areas suffer from economic hardships because of present-day economic isolation from the Government, like the collection of agricultural regions in the Massif Central.
            The aim of this paper is to interpret in a historical perspective, the history of each region and its impact on current-day government policies, the causes and effects of forced assimilation, political strife, or economic isolation.

II. Corsica

II.1 Introduction
            Corsica has endured for more than two thousand years, a continuing series of invaders and colonizing powers. Ever since the first city had been founded on the island, it practically knew no lasting periods of peace. From the Carthaginians to the Roman Empire, the Vandals, the Byzantine Empire, Arabic countries, the Lombards, Genoa, Aragon and then France - the island was considered a prize to be won by whoever could take it. Yet it remained proud of its distinct cultural heritage, and constantly vied for its own independance - tentatives crushed down each time by force, just to rise up again. Such courage inspired contemporary Enlightenment philosophers such as Voltaire, who wrote

      "(...) their principal weapon was their courage. It was during the battle of Ponte-Novu ; (...) to buy the time necessary for their army to make a final stand, they built a barricade out of their own dead ; the wounded voluntarily lay themselves down between their fallen comrades to strengthen the barricade... a human wall against steel bullets. We may find valour elsewhere, but such actions are to be seen only among free men. "

            Yet only a few centuries have passed, and changes are visible in present-day Corsica. Recently, it was the islanders themselves who voted against the 'Corsican autonomy law' presented by the French Government in 2003. Its economy is sundered, as primary and secondary sectors are almost void, and the island lives on tourism - most of which only centers around the northwest of the island. Its once productive agriculture had been crippled by competition from the mainland since the dawn of the 20th century and World War II. Its population of around 280 000 now scatters along its coastline, 10% of its active population remains unemployed. Financial difficulties have deeply left their marks, and now it is Corsica itself which fears its independence from France. Its native culture is an endangered one, and ancient buildings and cities are destroyed to make space for newly built concrete structures. Yet this does not mean there are no longer any efforts for independence - nor does the general lassitude signify the disappearance of tension. Rather, the danger of violent conflicts remain liable to re-erupt any time, as radicals and dissenters blame mainland France for the current stagnant situation in Corsica.
            This chapter will briefly summarize the island's turbulent history from the Carthaginians to its Medieval period, and then concentrate on its assimilation into French territory and the resulting conflicts, as the understanding of Corsica's history is necessary in order to fully comprehend the island's formation and current situation.

II.2 History

II.2.1 Ancient to Medieval Corsica
            Corsica remained under Carthaginian rule until 237 BC, before its conquest by the Romans. It would further be placed under the Byzantine Empire in 522. After that, Corsica would be under the influence of frequently changing powers, mainly Arabic or Lombardian in nature. During the Middle Ages, Pisa took over Corsica for a brief period, yet had to give it up to the Republic of Genoa following the Battle of Meloria. It would remain so for 500 years, during which Corsica would be treated as a colony of the Republic. It was sold to France in 1768.

II.2.2 Wars of Independence
            The Corsicans had fought valiantly - and continuously - for their own independance, beginning with the Genoan rule and also against the French. Although such efforts have much died down in present days, in order to further better understand the tensions between Corsica and mainland France, one must keep in mind the historical antagonism between the two entities that began three centuries ago.

II.2.2.1 The Riots of 1729
            Mass demonstrations were raised around Corsica in 1729 - a crisis that found its immediate cause and beginning in the insurrections of Bustanicu, but was set aflame by the heavy taxes laid by the Genoan Republic and Corsica's economic depression. As Corsica's position in Genoan politics was only one of an economic colony, the Corsicans often found themselves exploited or put under undue taxation. Corsicans responded by refusing to pay taxes to the Republic, and armed robberies and bandits appeared increasingly on the island. Finally, as their control upon the island was stretched too thin, Genoa will ask for the help of Charles VI, who sends an army in 1731. This intervention was pushed back once, but within weeks Corsica was back under the control of the Republic of Genoa - which would make several concessions to the islanders, but the latter will judge them still insufficient. The rebellion restarts in a couple of months, under the leadership of Hyacinthe Paoli, father of Pascal Paoli.

II.2.2.2 Pascal Paoli
            In April 15th, 1736, Theodore de Neuhoff is elected as king of Corsica by the islanders, who subsequently put in place an independent political and legislative structure. Seeing this situation, France decides to intervene in the situation should Genoa openly request for the kingdom's help. From 1738 to 1741, french troops would be sent to the island, forcing Hyacinthe Paoli to flee in exile along with his son, Pascal Paoli. Yet another insurgence will occur in 1745, as Theodore de Neuhoff returns with the help of the British. However, a second intervention by the French will defeat them once more, restoring Genoan control.
            Yet not all Corsicans were willing to accept the administration of the Marquis of Cursay, and Pascal Paoli is recalled to Corsica following the assassination of Gaffori, whose place as a leader Paoli will replace. He will follow by becoming elected General-in-Chief of Corsica, and adopting a new constitution. Revolts occur within the island against him, from regions that were influenced and pressured by the Republic, but Paoli crushes the insurrection. He also creates a navy, but fails in his attempts to conquer Genoan coastal territories.
            In 1762, Corsica adopts the 'moor's head' as its official flag, which still rests today. Yet two years later, the French will again deploy its troops following the Treaty of Compiegne, occupying a large part of Corsican territory. Corte becomes capital of Corsica in 1765, along with the foundation of a university at the capital. The situation is rapidly accelerated on May 5th, 1768, as Genoa accedes control of Corsica over to France.

II.2.3 Modern Corsica

II.2.3.1 French Corsica
            Following the Treaty of Versailles on July 1768, France had bought its right to the island of Corsica. And within ten years it succeeded in pacifying the island with force, and completely assimilating it into French territory. Pascal Paoli flees Corsica in 1769.

II.2.3.2 World War I
            Despite its turbulent history, Corsica displays strong patriotism towards France during World War I, and mobilized 40 000 foot soldiers, of which most were volunteers. Considering its size and total population, this was a significant participation, as could be seen in the severe shortage of labor the island suffered following the mobilization. However, Corsica suffers from a lack of rationment and supplies from the mainland. Moreover, Corsica was used to house refugees from Serbia and Syria (4000 in total) along with a similar number of German prisonners. 150 000 men were killed by the end of the war, and this loss, along with the refusal of many veterans to return to their homeland, led to a decline in the islands vitality and economy.

II.2.3.3 World War II
            On November 30 1938, fascist Italy expressed its wishes to annex Corsica (along with Nice and Savoy). However, Corsica officially declared its ties with the French mainland. The next day saw the creation of antifascist commitees at Ajaccio and Bastia.

II.2.3.4 Aleria
            21 August 1975, several dozen men occupied a 'pied-noir' wineyard in Aleria. Naming themselves the ARC (Corsican Regionalist Action), they claimed to be ready to divulge a financial scandal, grouped under the leadership of Edmond Simeoni. Michel Poniatowski, then Minister of Interior, sent more than a thousand police officers, along with helicopters, heavy artillery and even tanks. Two policemen were killed during the ensuing firefight, and Dr Simeoni hands himself over to the police in order to avoid larger casualties. However, many of the militants escaped, and violent struggles occur in nearby Bastia. The ARC is completely dissolved

II.2.4 Impact of Historical Events on Corsica

II.3 Contemporary Situation

II.3.1 Current Status of Corsica

II.3.1.1 Demographics

II.3.1.2 Cultural Heritage

II.3.1.3 Economic Instability
            As previously stated, Corsica - despite its history of actively seeking independance, - showed great fervor in supporting the french cause during the two World Wars. Yet the French government did not adequately recompense for Corsica's losses. For example, the major loss of grown Corsican men during the Wars, coupled with insufficient economic aid from the mainland, led to a severe crippling of Corsica's native industry.

II.3.1.4 Political Situation

II.3.2 Government Policies on Corsica

II.3.2.1 Past Policies

II.3.2.2 Current Policies

II.3.2.3 Impact of Government Policies

II.4 Conclusion and Analysis



Working Table of Contents . as of September 20th . Go to Teacher's Comment

I. Introduction
II. Corsica
II.1 Introduction
II.2 History
II.2.1 Ancient to Medieval Corsica
II.2.2 Wars of Independence
II.2.2.1 Riots of 1729
II.2.2.2 Pascal Paoli
II.2.3 Modern History
II.2.3.1 French Corsica
II.2.3.2 World War I
II.2.3.3 World War II
II.2.3.4 Aleria
II.2.4 Impact of Historical Events on Corsica
II.3 Contemporary Situation
II.3.1 Current Status of Corsica
II.3.1.1 Demographics
II.3.1.2 Cultural Heritage
II.3.1.3 Economic Instability
II.3.1.4 Political Situation
II.3.2 Government Policies toward Corsica
II.3.2.1 Past Policies
II.3.2.1.1 Forced Assimilation
II.3.2.2 Current Policies
II.3.3 Impact of Government Policies
III. Alsace
III.1 Introduction
III.2 History
III.3 Impacts on Current-Day Alsace-Lorraine
III.4 Conclusion and Analysis
IV. Bretagne
IV.1 Introduction
IV.2 History
IV.2.1 Middle Ages
IV.2.2 Modern Bretagne
IV.2.2.1 Strife for Independence
IV.3 Contemporary Situation
IV.3.1 Current Status of Bretagne
IV.3.1.1 Demographics
IV.3.1.2 Cultural Heritage
IV.3.1.3 Economy
IV.3.1.4 Political Situation
IV.3.2 Governmental Policies toward Bretagne
IV.3.2.1 Past Policies
IV.3.2.1.1 Cultural Assimilation
IV.3.2.1.2 Education
IV.3.2.2 Current Policies
IV.3.3 Impact of Governmental Policies
IV.3.3.1 The Breton Culture
V. Normandy
V.1 Introduction
V.2 History
V.3 Contemporary Situation
V.3.1 Current Status of Normandy
V.3.1.1 Demographics
V.3.1.2 Cultural Heritage
V.3.1.3 Economy
V.3.1.4 Political Situation
V.3.2 Governmental Policies toward Normandy
V.3.3 Impact of Governmental Policies
VI. Massif Central
VI.1 Introduction
VI.2 History
VI.3 Contemporary Situation
VI.3.1 Current Status of the Massif Central Region
VI.3.1.1 Demographics
VI.3.1.2 Cultural Heritage
VI.3.1.3 Economy
VI.3.1.4 Political Situation
VI.3.2 Governmental Policies toward the Massif Central Region
VI.3.2.1 Past Policies
VI.3.2.1.1 Neglect
VI.3.2.1.2 Education
VI.3.2.2 Current Policies
VI.3.3 Impact of Governmental Policies