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National Historiography of Ethiopia

Korean Minjok Leadership Academy
International Program
Kim, Ji Yang
Term Paper, AP World History Class, June 2010

Table of Contents

I. Introduction
II. Basics of Ethiopian History
II.1 Geographic Basics of Ethiopia
II.2 Broad Periodization of Ethiopian History
III. Conventional Historiography of Ethiopia: the "Great Tradition"
III.1 Glorification of the Past
III.2 History Dominated by Amharic and Tigrinya Orthodox Christians
IV. Modernist Nationalism : Emphasis of the "State"
V. Postmodern Historiography after the 1990s
V.1 Ethiopia as a "Dependent Colonial State"
V.2 Those with Other Local and Ethnic Identities Speak Out
V.2.1 Marxist Ideologies from the Soviets : "Self Determination of Nationalities"
V.2.2 Significance of the "Eritrean Studies" and the "Oromo Studies"
V.2.2.1 "Eritrean Studies"
V.2.2.2 "Oromo Studies"
VI. The Rise of Social History in Ethiopian Historiography
VII. Source Criticism
VIII. Conclusion
Primary Sources
Secondary Sources
Sources for Further Consideration

I. Introduction
            Each age tries to form its own conception of the past. Each age writes the history of the past anew with reference to the conditions uppermost in its own time. Frederick Jackson Turner

            As Turner acutely pointed out, history itself has consistently been the issue of interpretation by numerous historians. After all, history is the story of the past, told from the present. Every event in history is examined and re-examined in relation to the development of new contemporary issues and events, and thus, it is possible to get new insight into history precisely by looking at how history has been written. In a negative light, we may also say that the historians narrate the past from the political perspective they subscribe to, and cage all their ideas in concepts and ideologies they are accustomed to in the present. History itself may be objective, but historical narratives are, most of the times, political, subjective, and even biased. As such, historiography - which can be briefly explained as the history of historical writing (1) - is an increasingly popular field of study.
            In this light, this paper extends further than studying particular historical occurrences in Ethiopian history; rather, it seeks to look at the differing perspectives of the historians recording those events. After briefly summarizing the basics of Ethiopian history, this paper will chronologically show the changing perspectives of Ethiopian historians looking at their own history from conventional to post-modern. The rise of social history in Ethiopian historical narratives is dealt in a separate chapter.

II. Basics of Ethiopian History

II.1 Geographical Basics of Ethiopia

Figure 1. Map of Ethiopia (2)

            Bordering Sudan to the west, Djibouti and Eritea to the north, Somalia to the east, and Kenya to the south, Ethiopia is one of the most well-known nations in East Africa. The border between Ethiopia and Eritea, Somalia, and even Sudan, however, has never been precisely demarcated (3). Instabilities regarding these disputed territories hugely influenced Ethiopian historiography.
            The major portion of Ethiopia lies on the Horn of Africa, the easternmost part of the African landmass. Ethiopia is composed of a vast highland complex of mountains and plateaus divided by the Great Rift Valley, which runs generally southwest to northeast. The great diversity of terrain determines wide variations in climate (although tropical monsoon weather is predominant), soils, natural vegetation, and settlement patterns. This geographical pattern is historically significant because it exemplifies the north-south split of Ethiopian history. For example, as we would observe later, in conventional historiography, numerous historians chose to only emphasize on history of northern Ethiopians; as time went on, through post-modern historical attempts such as the Oromo studies, more emphasis was put on the southernmost parts of Ethiopia.

II.2 Broad Periodization of Ethiopian History (4)
            Before we go on discussing how its historians portray their national history, it would serve us well to briefly go over the broad periodization of Ethiopian history. Historical interpretations and specific parts historians may put emphasis on may change, but the overall periodization of national history usually remains the same. This is the outline of Ethiopian history one may expect when opening a conventional book on Ethiopian history.
            The period from 7000 BCE to the 11th century is termed prehistory and the ancient times of the Aksum Empire. The remains of the early hominids, including the famous "Lucy", are discovered in Ethiopia's Rift Valley - this fact understandably never goes unnoticed in Ethiopian prehistory. By 7000 BCE, linguistic diversification gave rise to those who spoke Agew, Sidamo, Somali, Oromo, and more Omotic tongues. During the 1000 BCE, Sabaeans from Arabia migrated down and settled in an extreme northern plateau, and with the Agews, built the Aksum Empire, a dominant trading state with advanced knowledge of stone architecture. In the early 4th century, Christianity was introduced through the nearby Byzantine Empire. Aksum faded, and the Ethiopian Dark Ages began. Many historians also choose to mention the story of Biblical Ethiopia, contending that the founder of Ethiopia is a son of Queen Sheba who was tricked into sleeping with King Solomon.
            From the decline of the Aksum until the 1620s is termed the Medieval period in Ethiopian history. With the construction of the rock-hewn churches of Lalibela, a sign of renewal seemed possible after the Aksum decline. But after the short "Solomonic restoration" (5), a Muslim Afar-Somali army overran the highlands during the 1530s. The Portuguese soldiers who had helped defeat the Muslims remained in the kingdom, however, and the religious civil war in 1620s finally led to their expulsion.
            Seventeenth until the nineteenth century is generally called the early modern times. This time showed Ethiopian prowess to a great degree. Tewodros II reunited the kingdom in the mid-nineteenth century, and soon after, Menelik II, who reigned from 1889 to 1913, defeated the Italians in 1896 when they attempted to invade Ethiopia. Menelik II also set in train the processes of modernization by adopting western-style education and establishing the beginnings of bureaucracy.
            World War II, with the Fascist invasion by the infamous Benito Mussolini, proved to be the most precarious time in Ethiopian history. The capital Addis Abba was occupied in May 1936, and the annexation of Ethiopia soon followed. The Italians created many infrastructures and roads and in Ethiopia, exploited the country¡¯s resources and human power for cotton, cement, minerals, electricity, armament, and mechanical industry, and in the process alienated most Ethiopian citizens. In spring 1941 the Allied forces defeated the Italians, which ultimately ended the Fascist occupation in Ethiopia.
            After World War II, Emperor Sellassie promoted to modernize his nation, setting up institutions for higher education, setting up a new Constitution, and improving the nation¡¯s relationship with foreign countries (6). As his health withered away, people¡¯s confidence in him and the nation withered away with it. The Ethiopian revolution began to unfold in early 1974, a military coup that resulted in long periods of civil war and political instability of regime shift and the "Derg period." In 1994, a new constitution was written and an election took place in May 1995, but poverty and unsteadiness of the regime are continued. Modern Ethiopia has had numerous boundary disputes especially with Eritrea. Since Muslim presence is great in Ethiopia and many of them are thought to have ties with the al-Qaeda, hostility between the Ethiopian army and the Islamic Courts Union seem to be a norm also.
            This chapter, of course, is a grossly abbreviated version of Ethiopian history (7). Also, Ethiopian history is far from finished, and with their upheavals, the nation¡¯s future is admittedly difficult to predict. But enough about the historical events; let us look at how the Ethiopian historians have viewed its own history.

III Conventional Historiography of Ethiopia : The "Great Tradition"

III.1 Glorification of the Past
            The conventional history of Ethiopia can easily be summarized as the history of a "great tradition." Most historians would be careful to disparage the history of more modern Ethiopia, but they also admit that the history of ancient Ethiopia is much grander and more appealing in grandeur and size. Even compared with other revered ancient civilizations such as China or Persia, the archaeological remains, a monarchy that provided a line of heroic rulers and writing of ancient Ethiopian Kingdom prove themselves to be superb.
            Conventional historiography of Ethiopia glorifies what has long been gone: the myths of the affair between King Solomon and Queen Sheba, the great Axum Empire - the times before the western influence slowly began to tear the nation apart. Such trend continues to be a big part of Ethiopian historiography even in the recent years.

III.2 History Dominated by Amharic and Tigrinya Orthodox Christians
            One of the most criticized aspects of the "great tradition" is that the conventional historians usually focus primarily on only the northern Orthodox Christians, especially those who speak Amharic and Tigrinya. These Christians are considered the "original" Ethiopians, and citizens of other religion or ethnicity are considered in the process of being accommodated in Ethiopia. Traditionally, the national history goes in length about how these people are incorporated as Ethiopians : through conversion to Christianity, through the use of the Amharic language, or through the employment in some capacity of the Ethiopian state. Clapham notes:
            Or to put it in a slightly different way, Amharas and Tigrinyans have a history, whereas other peoples have only anthropology, or at best a kind of sub-national sub-history that eventually gets subsumed within the national epic. (8)
            Such emphasis on the northern Ethiopians has dominated the Ethiopian historiography since its conception by the "father" of Ethiopian studies, Hiob Ludolf, in the 17th and 18th centuries. Bekerye (9) contends the reason for such assumptions in conventional historiography is that historical narratives had been shaped by "external paradigms". (10) The "great tradition", since it strives to connect Ethiopia with the Christian and Semitic worlds, can be interpreted as explicitly non-African, even anti-African.
            It is perhaps inevitable that a certain group of people become more powerful than the others throughout any national history, but this does not justify the fact that the history narrative itself privileges a particular power structure, and the people associated with it.

IV. Modernist Nationalism : Emphasis of the "State"
            Although Ethiopia itself has changed dramatically throughout its history?the decline and fall of the old imperial system, the massive upheavals during these changes may be some of the many examples to count - historiography of Ethiopia had been rather immune to these changes. Even in the times when Ethiopia was heavily influenced by the Soviet Union, Marxist interpretation and historiography did not much intervene in Ethiopian historical narratives (11). The "great tradition" in Ethiopian historiography that started in the seventeenth century continued well unto the twentieth century, and this tradition was intensified with what is called the "modernist nationalism". (12)
            The conventional and modernist Ethiopian historiography is popularly criticized as extraordinarily teleological. Although most national histories admittedly and inevitably emphasize the process of the formation of the national state to heighten a sense of nationalism for the citizens, Ethiopia, apparently, goes too far. Ethiopia has long remained to be a country on whose behalf historians boast of an "extensive, uninterrupted, and untainted histor". (13) The frequent regime change in Ethiopia risked legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as a whole, and Ethiopia continued in its attempt to find a "usable African past" (14) to adapt to the needs of modern state formation. Toggia corroborates the case in point, saying :
            "In this article I argue that Ethiopian history reserves a privileged site for successive states as incontestable sites of knowledge, truth, legitimacy, and national identity. It shows how the state reconstructs memory of its past as total knowledge, and how the state utilizes this 'truth' of the past to command legitimacy. The state-authorized history has been packaged as a foundational knowledge for the nation, national identity, and raison d'tre of state power. As much as Ethiopia's history has been always a totalizing narrative, the historians have also been strategically selective in reflecting the history of the militarily and politically dominant groups. Ethiopian history has been reductionist and history writing has been a state project. The state's history as a meta-narrative claims totality; and everything else is silently subsumed under its totalized discourse. It excludes marginalized populations, ethnic and religious polities. As much as the state attempts to centralize every outlying domain around its power core, it simultaneously exteriorizes them through state discourses." (15)
            The "state history" of Ethiopia ultimately imposed an emphasis on particular periods, people and places, and at the same time excluded or marginalized others. Even in the official general profile of Ethiopia published in the website of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia which still has many aspects lingered from modernist nationalism, history of Ethiopia is narrated as if it is bouncing from one place to the other: grounding firmly in only selected points of pride : Axum, Lalibela, the resistance to Roman Catholicism, and the creation of the modern Ethiopian state at the hands of Tewodros and Menelik, and flying hastily at other periods. The historical spotlight is rarely shifted away from the glorification of the state. Even Eritrea, an Italian colony, is treated as a lost child. Bahru, one of the most prominent modernist historians notes "a number of Eritreans, often moved by the magnetic pull of the motherland, came to Ethiopia". (16)

V. Postmodern Historiography after the 1990s

V.1 Ethiopia as a "Dependent Colonial State"
            Before the 1990s, Ethiopia, even with some political ups and downs, objectively was well on the way to becoming an exemplary cohesive nation-state in post-colonial Africa. It had played a prominent role in the United Nations, as a founding member and staunch supporter of UN collective security and other UN missions. With regards to its historic role as a symbol of African freedom and the mediations of its skillful emperor, the regime became recognized as a major player during the decade of African independence of the 1960s. Addis Ababa became host for the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. At two critical junctures, in 1960 and in 1974, the regime even came close to becoming a constitutional monarchy. It was not at all presumptuous to expect its continued growth as a modernizing, growing nation. When, however, its 2000-year-old monarchy was overthrown in September of the 1991 regime change, a tortuous period of revolutionary violence, political repression, chronic civil war, and ethnic fragmentation ensued.
            With the resulting disappointment spread among Ethiopians themselves, the modernist historiography of Ethiopia came under attack in the last twentieth century. The allegedly precocious achievement of nationhood was slighted precisely by the post-modern Ethiopians themselves. These scholars disputed the very existence of nations prior to the modern period, stripping the Ethiopian historical narrative of its vast resource of ancient pride, and the view of the historic Ethiopia became dim, even pessimistic.
            Most prominently, Holocomb and Sisai, through the book The Invention of Ethiopia, brazenly argued that the Ethiopian nation-state was a "dependent colonial state", merely the invention of the late 19th century imperialism. They abandoned the idea of the glorious African past. They contended that the "Abyssinian" ruling class merely was the agents of European colonists who were spared the need of subjugate the colonized peoples of the region of their own. In their narratives, Ethiopia was not the nation of the indigenous people : history was placed at the hands of a ruthlessly expanding European capital, in a region "strategically situated at the commercial crossroads opened between Europe and the Far East" by the construction of the Suez Canal. Such change in the perspective marked the beginnings of a radical turn against the conventional interpretation of history in terms of the "great tradition". (17)

V.2 Those with Other Local and Ethnic Identities Speak Out
            Along with the turn against the modernist nationalism, postmodern historiography of Ethiopia can also be characterized as a more outspoken view from the traditionally ¡°powerless¡± local and ethnic identities of the nation.

V.2.1 Marxist Ideologies from the Soviets: "Self Determination of Nationalities"
            Change in traditional interpretation of history stemmed from predominantly two reasons. First came from tribal movements within Ethiopia in the late twentieth century, that included an upsurge of particularistic demands of the sort that have appeared in all modernizing countries as states became more centralized and resourceful and as citizens with local and ethnic identities sought a more effective voice (18). Another cause came from the Marxist ideologies regarding the "self-determination of nationalities", that finally found its way from the Soviet mentors.
            Self-determination in politics is seen as "the freedom of the people of a given territory or national grouping to determine their political their own political status and how they will be governed without undue influence from any other country." (19) Karl Marx supported this principle, believing it might be a prior condition to social reform and international alliances, and Vladmir Lenin agreed with Marx in this point. (Although these principles of self-determination were often violated in the Soviet Union by suppressing the Hungarian revolution of 1956 and Prague Spring Czechoslovak reforms of 1968, but such is beside the point.) Numerous Ethiopian ethnic groups interpreted the principles of self-determination as their right to speak out against their suppressions. These outbreaks became a huge part of postmodern national historiography of Ethiopia.

V.2.2 Significance of the "Eritrean Studies" and the "Oromo Studies"
            Of numerous history-writing against the tide of traditional emphasis on "Amharic and Tigrinya Orthodox Christians", the so-called "Eritrean Studies" and "Oromo Studies" in particular deserve mentioning as being respectively the precursor, and the epitome of such movements.

V.2.2.1 "Eritrean Studies"
            Although the subject of Eritrea would not be a direct part of Ethiopian historiography, the trend of the history emphasizing the independence of Eritrea was the start of the manifestation of the principle of "self-determination." Eritrea emulated the "great tradition" of Ethiopia, and in turn sought to establish their own rival traditions, complete with competing "studies" and the appropriate academic apparatus to support them. The Eritrean independence struggle called for the articulation of "Eritrean studies". Some of these studies were admittedly dangerously fictional :
            "An independent Eritrean nation is an at least five-thousand-year-old fact, recorded in Ge'ez writing on a stele in the south-central part of the country and in the fast-emerging archaeological evidence nearby of an extensive Adulite culture that predates Ethiopia's Axumite origins and even precedes ancient Egypt." (20)
            Nonetheless, as Eritrea began to emulate the "great tradition" of Ethiopia, many other ethnicities followed suit. The "great tradition" and its function of legitimating state ideologies became so entrenched in the region that the devotees of a new state should feel impelled to create a counter-tradition to accompany it. Such actions of other ethnicities, in turn, weakened the strength of the traditional historiography of Ethiopia itself.

V.2.2.2 "Oromo Studies"
            More prominent line of attack has taken from the form of "Oromo Studies". Many publications were made dedicated to the ideas of the Oromo as something distinct from Ethiopia (21). A massive exaggeration of Oromo numbers has become a staple feature of these studies : these publications contend that the Oromo "account for over sixty percent of the population of present-day Ethiopia" (a numerical estimate that also found its way into an Wikipedia article regarding the "Oromos" (22)), when the percentage indicated by the 1994 census was 32.1 % (23) and the subsequent increase to 60+ % without a notably acknowledged immigration trend is realistically implausible. Baxter emphasizes the culture, the "Oromoness" of this distinct ethnic group. (24) Some take a less radical stance, merely examining the stereotypical portrayal of the Oromo in Ethiopian historiography and demanding a fairer examination of the Oromos in historical texts. (25) These "Oromo Studies" are one of the most prolific parts of postmodern studies in Ethiopian historiography.

VI. The Rise of Social History in Ethiopian Historiography
            Social history has mostly eluded Ethiopian historical narratives for many centuries, but gradually from the twentieth century, more emphasis on social history was given. One analysist of this matter notes :
            "At the risk of generalization and simplicity, it can be said that social history has come now to displace political history, particularly since the 1974 Ethiopian revolution. In the tradition of political history, Ethiopians have literature on biography of emperors, and its method was source critic aimed to decide whether each assertion made was right or wrong. Chronicles, narrative account of kings, have made their imposition on such type of Historical research, besides to the contemporary environment that surrounded the historian himself. The Ethiopian student movement, the spread of left ideology, and finally the revolution, among other things, brought about change from political to social History. "One-man History" began to be replaced by a construction of a bigger social History: the question of class, study of social institutions, and more." (26)
            This said, one of the most important developments in African historiography over the past two decades has been the emergence of social history as a prominent field of inquiry. During these years, historians as well as social anthropologists gave better attention to the reconstruction and analysis of the lives of ordinary members of society. This reorientation is clearly illustrated, for example, by a series of excellent books that have come out under the Heinemann Social History of Africa series. The subjects of these works range from the gang culture of urban youth in South Africa to the social history of alcohol in Ghana.
            Portrayal of women throughout Ethiopian history, although a short development, deserves a special notice because it embodies something more than history-writing in general. Women ultimately make up almost half of any population in a nation, but descriptions of their lives and achievements are usually portrayed much less importantly, if portrayed at all. These underrepresented women are considered the biggest minorities, and their portrayals in history mark the society¡¯s openness in dealing with the perceived minorities and the relatively powerless.
            Ethiopia shows hopeful progress. In the official textbook Ethiopia, A Short Illustrated History by the Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, copyrighted in 1969 and 1972, many illustrations, especially in the front pages are pictures of women of no rank, with captions such as "A Sidamo Girl", "A Gondar Beauty", and "Gambela Maiden". (27)
            Along with these textbooks, more works that deal with social history prove themselves to differ from most previous African history "in the attention they give to women and in particular to the issue of how gender relations were transformed and mediated by various historical processes such as the imposition of colonial and "customary" law; the abolition of slavery; migration; urbanization; the spread of Islam and Christianity; the introduction and spread of cash-cropping; and so forth." (28)

VII. Source Criticism
            Many of the sources, as would obviously be seen in VI, are used to write this paper is from a postmodern perspective. As the primary target of criticism of these postmodern historians is the conventional historical narratives of Ethiopia, there is a possibility that these historians wrote of the "great tradition" in a more negative light than necessary. As a result, one must take into consideration that the portrayal of the modernist historians in this paper may also be biased.
            Also, the sources used in this paper are mostly from scholarly interpretations about the subject of historiography and academic writings of national histories. This paper does not include how general public in Ethiopia speaks of its own history; I only speculate that the citizens are heavily influenced by the official textbooks of Ethiopian history books they are educated with. Pride of their nation and history would also be natural, as they definitely have numerous events in history to be proud of.

VIII. Conclusion
            Most Ethiopian historians have, no doubt, always been proud of its own nation: Ethiopia is, forgive my cliched expression, indeed an exceedingly complex region. It is shaped by a great variety of overlapping and even contradictory elements, with a fluctuating, uncertain, yet promising future full of possibilities. So far until the late twentieth century, perspectives in looking at history were rather unchanging, primarily with historians focused on glorifying the past under the "great tradition". The national historiography, however, has been changing in recent years - more and more historians have attempted to write a history that does not inherently privilege any people or group of people in the region, or impose its own ideas about the future. Many historians in recent years are probably in the process of sketching out a way in which it might be done.


1.      Furay 1979, 223-4, 231
2.      Map of Ethiopia, Perry-Castaneda Library Map Collection, UTexas
3.      This information, along with the outline of Ethiopian history closely followed through in this paper, is succinctly well summarized in "Country Profile: Ethiopia, Library of Congress - Federal Research Division
4.      The general periodization of Ethiopian is compiled through looking primarily at "General Profile of Ethiopia", Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia
5.      More information on the Solomonic Dynastiy, along with the list of rulers of the Solomonic restoration, can be found in Ethiopian History
6.      Fore more information read Selassie 1999
7.      A much more comprehensive history of Ethiopia can be found in Marcus 1994
8.      Clapham 2002
9.      Ayele Bekerie is an Assistant Professor at the Africana Studies and Research Center of Cornell University. He is the author of the award-winning book "Ethiopic, An African Writing System: Its History and Principles" Bekerie is also the creator of the African Writing System web site and a contributing author in the highly acclaimed book, "ONE HOUSE: The Battle of Adwa 1896-100 Years." Bekerie¡¯s most recent published work includes "The Idea of Ethiopia: Ancient Roots, Modern African Diaspora Thoughts", in Power and Nationalism in Modern Africa, published by Carolina Academic Press in 2008 and "The Ancient African Past and Africana Studies" in the Journal of Black Studies in 2007.
10.      Bekerye 2010
11.      Clapham 2002
12.      Levine 2003
13.      Teshale 1996
14.      Ranger 1976
15.      Toggia 2008
16.      Bahru 2001
17.      Holcomb/Ibssa 1990
18.      Gellner 1993
19.      Merriam-Webster online dictionary
20.      Cantaloupo 2002 p.15; Eritrea is the creation of Italian colonialism from 1890 onwards, so the stele referred to probably does not report the existence of any independent Eritrean nation save for a wishful imagination of one.
21.      Such publications include: Hassen 1990 and numerous entries in a Journal of Oromo Studies
22.      Article : Oromo People, from Wikipedia
23.      1994 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia
24.      Baxter 1996
25.      Hussein, n.d.
26.      Tegenu 2010
27.      Selassie 1972 pp.9-13
28.      Bizuneh 2001


Note : websites quoted below were visited in June 2009.

Primary Sources :
From the Ethiopian Government
1.      Selassie, Kiros Habte etc. Ethiopia: A Short Illustrated History. Imperial Ethiopian Government, Ministry of Education and Fine Arts. 1972
2.      Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia. "General Profile of Ethiopia".
3.      "The 1994 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia". Volume II Analytical Report, Table 2.14. Addis Abba: FRDE Office of Housing Census Commission, 1999.
4.      Library of Congress - Federal Research Division . "Country Profile: Ethiopia". 5.      World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples. U.S. Committee for Refugees. <>
6.      Encyclopedia Britannica, 15th edition, Macropedia, Vol.17, pp.823-830 Article "Eastern Africa : Ethiopia."
7.      Bahru, Z. A History of Modern Ethiopia 1855-1991. Addis Abada: Addis Abada University Press. 2001.
8.      Haile Selassie I. My Life and Ethiopia¡¯s Progress: The Autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie I, King of Kings and Lord of Lords. Translated by Edward Ullendorff. Chicago: Research Associates School Times Publications. 1999.
9.      Harold G. Marcus. A History of Ethiopia. University of California Press: London. 1994
10.      Holcomb, Bonnie, and Sisai Ibssa. The Invention of Ethiopia. Trenton: N.J. Red Sea Press. 1990

Secondary Sources
Wikipedia: 11.      Bekerie, Ayele. "Assumptions and Interpretations of Ethiopian History at Tadias Magazine." Tadias Magazine. Web. 17 June 2010. <>
12.      Bizuneh, Belete. "Women in Ethiopia: A Bibliographic Review." Northeast African Studies, Volume 8, Number 3, 2001 (New Series), pp. 7-32
13.      Clapham, Christopher. "Rewriting Ethiopian History". Annales d'Ethiopie, vol XVIII: 37-54, 2002 <>
14.      Clapham, Christopher, "Reconfiguring the Ethiopian nation in a global era.", 2003. Web. 17 June 2010.
15.      Toggia, Pietro. "History writing as a state ideological project in Ethiopia: Abstract" Kutztown University, Penn; African Identities, Volume 6, Issue 4 November 2008 , pages 319 - 343
16.      "History of Ethiopia" Wikipedia. <>
17.      "Oromo People" Wikipedia.
Sources for Further Consideration
18.      Conal Furay and Michael J. Salevouris, The Methods and Skills of History: A Practical Guide (Wheeling, Ill.: Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1979), 223-4, 231
19.      Ganse, Alexander. WHKMLA "History of Ethiopia" with bibliographical information <>
20.      Gellner, Ernst. Nations and Nationalism. Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press. 1993
21.      Rubenson, Sven. The Survival of Ethiopian Independence. London: Heinemann. 1976.
22.      Teshale, T. ¡°Ethiopia: The ¡®Anomaly¡¯ and ¡®Paradox¡¯ of Africa¡±. J. Black Stud. 26: 414-430, 1996.

23.      Maps of Africa, Perry-Castaneda Library Map Collection, University of Texas at Austin produced by United States Central Intelligence Agency <>
24.      Solomonic Dynasty, from Ethiopian History
25.      Levine, Donald N. "Reconfiguring the Ethiopian nation in a global era.", 2003. Web. 17 June 2010.
26.      Ranger, Terence. "Towards a usable African Past" in Christopher Fyfe, ed. African Studies since 1945: a tribute to Basil Davidson. London: Longman, 1976
27.      Article " Self-determination, from Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary <>
28.      Cantaloupo, Charles. "Ethiopia and Eritrea." The Times Literary Supplement, 11.02.2002.
29.      Mohammad Hassen, The Oromo of Ethiopia, a history 1570-1860. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990
30.      Hussein, Jeylan Wolyie . "A Critical Review of the Political and Stereotypical Portrayals of the Oromo in the Ethiopian Historiography". Nordic Journal of African Studies 15(3): 256-276.
31.      Baxter, P.T.W, etc. Being and Becoming Oromo: historical and anthropological enquiries. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutiet. 1996.
32.      Tegenu, Tsegaye. "Interpretation of the Past". Web. June 18, 2010. <>

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