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Contemporary Christian, Muslim and Jewish Views on and Reactions to Islamic Spain and the Reconquista (c.700 CE - c.1500 CE)

Korean Minjok Leadership Academy
International Program
Yoon, Seong Heon
Term Paper, AP World History Class, June 2012

Table of Contents

I. Introduction
II. Definition and Method of Study
II.1 Horal and Regional Scope
II.2 Method of Study
II.3 Limit of Study. Lack of Available Sources
III. Timeline
IV. Overview. Muslim Regime on the Iberian Peninsula
IV.1 Province of the Umayyad Caliphate (711-756): Beginning of the Muslim Rule
IV.2 Umayyad Emirate of Cordoba (756-929): Solidifying the Muslim Authority in Iberia
IV.3 Caliphate of Cordoba (929-1031): The Golden Age of Islamic Spain
IV.4 The First Taifa Period (1031-1130): Fragmentation of Muslim Power in al-Andalus
IV.5 Almoravids, Almohads, and Nasrids (1094-1492): Tug of War between Muslims and Christians
IV.5.1 Almoravid Rule (1094-c.1145)
IV.5.2 The Second Taifa Period (c.1145-1172)
IV.5.3 Almohad Caliphate (1172-1248)
IV.5.4 Formation and Development of Christian kingdoms (12th-13th century)
IV.5.5 Nasrid Dynasty in Granada (1238-1492)
IV.6 Fall of Granada: Completion of the Reconquista
V. Christian Attitude toward the Reconquista
V.1 Origin of the Idea of 'Reconquista' (8th-9th Century)
V.1.1 Prophetic Chronicle
V.1.2 Chronicle of Alfonso III
V.1.3 Chronicle of Albelda
V.1.4 Chapter Analysis
V.2 Less Religious Attitudes toward the Reconquista (10th-11th Century)
V.2.1 Conquest of Toledo (1085)
V.2.2 Conversion of the Mosque of Toledo (1085)
V.3 The Reconquista as Crusade (12th-13th Century)
V.3.1 Declaration of Leonese Empire (1135)
V.3.2 Grants to Christian Military Orders (mid-12th Century)
V.4 Hatred toward the Muslims (14th-15th Century)
VI. Muslim Attitude toward the Reconquista
VI.1 Early Reaction to Christian Power (8th Century)
VI.1.1 Treaty of Orihuela (713)
VI.1.2 Pact of 'Umar (c.720)
VI.1.3 Chapter Analysis
VI.2 Rising Concerns about Christian Power (9th-10th Century)
VI.2.1 Siege of Bobastro (939)
VI.2.2 Raid on Santiago de Compostela (997)
VI.2.3 Chapter Analysis
VI.3 The Reconquista as Spiritual Struggle for Muslims (11th-14h Century)
VI.3.1 Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi's Account of the Battle of Zallaqa (1224)
VI.3.2 'Abd Allah ibn Bluggin's Tibyan (1095)
VI.4 Acceptance of the End of Muslim Regime (15th Century)
VII. Jewish Attitude toward the Reconquista
VII.1 Lack of Contemporary Records Written by Jews
VII.2 Decline of Agriculture
VII.3 The Jewish Golde Age in al-Andalus (c.912-c.1100)
VII.3.1 Beginning of the Golden Age
VII.3.2 Jews Holding High Political Positions
VII.3.3 Intellectual and Cultural Prosperity of Sephardim
VII.3.4 End of the Golden Age
VII.4 Muslim Persecution of Jews and Jewish Refuge in Christian States (c.1100-1492)
VII.5 Compeletion of the Reconquista and Expulsion of the Jews (1492)
VII.5.1 The Alhambra Decree (1492)
VII.5.2 Jewish Attitude toward the Expulsion
VII.5.2.1 The Account of an Anonymous Jewish Writer on the Expulsion (1495)
VII.5.2.2 Jewish Focus on Cultural Identity

I. Introduction
            Under the Muslim rule in the Iberian Peninsula from the 8th century to the late 15th century CE, Christians, Muslims and Jews, the three different religious factions residing in the Iberian Peninsula, all had to witness drastic changes in their fates. Christian Visigoths, who had occupied the peninsula for centuries, were forced to cede their lands to Muslim invaders but eventually succeeded in recovering their control over the peninsula in 1492, after vigorous military campaigns to reconquer the land, or the Reconquista. In contrast, Muslim Moors invaded and occupied the Iberian Peninsula in the 8th century, but saw their political fragmentation and decline after the Golden Age, and at last completely lost their control over the Iberian Peninsula in 1492. Meanwhile, Jews took a unique position as the third party during the Reconquista but were forced to leave the peninsula after the completion of the Reconquista in 1492.
            Throughout the eight centuries of such political upheavals, the views on and reactions of the three religious groups in the Iberian Peninsula naturally changed. This paper aims at examining the contemporary views and reactions of Christians, Muslims and Jews toward the Reconquista. It does not aim at scrutinizing each religious groupí»s every single reaction toward every event that took place in al-Andalus, or Islamic Spain. Rather, the goal of this paper is defining the overall trend in each religious groupí»s attitude toward the Reconquista through dividing each groupí»s trend into a few characteristic phases. For easier understanding, actual examples which represented the characteristics of each phase will be explained as well.

II. Definition and Method of Study

II.1 Horal and Regional Scope
            This paper will cover the time period from the beginning of Muslim invasion in the Iberian Peninsula to the completion of the Reconquista by the Catholic Monarchs, that is, from 711 to 1492 CE. However, as the goal of this paper is dividing the overall trend into several phases, certain time periods may be covered in more depth than others; in some cases, a century may not be covered at all. In case of regional scope, this paper will strictly stick to the Iberian Peninsula so that it can focus on understanding the different attitudes of Christians, Muslims and Jews toward the Reconquista, which is the aim of this study. Therefore, parts of North Africa which were involved in the process of Reconquista or the battles that took place in Europe outside the Iberian Peninsula will not be covered in this paper.

II.2 Method of Study
            As mentioned above, the goal of this paper is examining the overall trend of Christian, Muslim and Jewish attitudes toward the Reconquista from the eighth to fifteenth century CE through setting up phasic divisions. For achieving this goal, both the view and reactions of the three religious groups toward the Reconquista should be understood. Here, the term 'view' refers to the attitude directly shown in the written documents including historical records, legal documents, etc. On the other hand, the term 'reaction' refers to the attitude indirectly revealed by actual events. Examining both the views and reactions of the three relgious groups will help to examine the general trends of their attitudes toward the Reconquista more thoroughly.
            Another thing to be noted here is that the concept of 'attitude toward the Reconquista' can be understood in different nuances. When the concept is applied to Christians, it means the basic sentiment amongst Christian population which formed the motivation toward their military campaigns against Muslims. On the other hand, the attitude of Muslims toward the Reconquista refers to the general way that the Muslims regarded the existence of Christian kingdoms in the north or military expansion of Christian rulers. Finally, the attitude of Jews toward the Reconquista refers to the positions and roles they held in the Iberian Peninsula and their objectives for taking such roles.

II.3 Limit of Study. Lack of Available Sources
            An essential prerequisite for analyzing the historical views toward a certain historical phenomenon is access to various types of historical documents in a significant number. However, this paper, as a Korean high school student's AP World History term paper, lacked the opportunity to harness various sources. In many cases, needed sources were not accessible for a high school student both off-line and on-line, and Jewish sources were especially wanting. (For a detailed explanation for this lack of Jewish sources, see Section VII.1. Lack of Contemporary Records Written by Jews) Therefore, this study had to rely on Olivia Remie Constable's Medieval Iberia, which is a collection of chronicles, legal documents, personal letters, etc in the Medieval Iberia. However, for overcoming such obstacle, a few documents were found from sources other than Remie's collection, and factual information about historical events which took place in Medieval Iberia was used to indirectly assess Christian, Muslim and Jewish reactions to the Reconquista.

III. Timeline

year(s) Event Primary Source
711 Muslim armies' arrival in Iberian Peninsula
713 Treaty of Orihuela
711-756 Al-Andalus being a province of Umayyad Caliphate
718-925 Kingdom of Asturias
c.720 Pact of 'Umar
722 Battle of Covadonga
740-743 Berbers' Rebellion
756-929 Umayyad Emirate of Cordoba
824 Kingdom of Navarre being established
866-910 Regime of Alfonso III in the kingdom of Asturias Prophetic Chronicle
Chronicle of Alfonso III
Chronicle of Albelda
880-928 Rebellion against Umayyad rule, started by Umar ibn Hafsun
928 Siege of Bobastro
929-1031 Caliphate of Cordoba
997 Ibn Abi-Aamir's raid on Santiago de Copostela Ode in Praise of al-Mansur's Victory by Ibn Darraj al-Qastalli
1031-1094 First Taifa Period
1035 Kingdom of Aragon being established through union of small Christian counties
1066 Granada Massacre
1085 Conquest of Toledo; Conversion of the Mosque of Toledo
1086 Almoravid leader Yusuf ibn Tashfin's arrival in al-Andalus
1094-c.1145 Al-Andalus under Almoravid regime
1096 Tibyan (the memoir of 'Abd Allah ibn-Bluggin)
1135 Declaration of Leonese Empire by Alfonso VI of Leon-Castile
c.1150 Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris
c.1145-1172 Second Taifa Period
1172-1248 Al-Andalus under Almohad regime
c. 1200 Poem by Abraham ibn Ezra
c. 1210 De rebus Hispaniae
1212 Battle of Las Navas de Tolesa
1224 Account of the Battle of Zallaqa (1086) by 'Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi
1248-1492 Nasrid Dynasty in Granada
c. 1290 Primera Cronica General de Espana
1469 Marriage of Ferdinand III of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile
1491 Treaty of Granada
1492 Fall of Granada: Completion of the Reconquista Nubdhat al-'asr
1492 Expulsion of the Jews (Alhambra Decree) Charter of Expulsion
1495 Account on the Expulsion by an Anonymous Jew
1503 Judah Abravanel's Poem to His Son

IV. Overview: Muslim Regime on the Iberian Peninsula

IV.1 Province of the Umayyad Caliphate (711-756): Beginning of the Muslim Rule
            Shortly after the beginning of Umayyad military expansion into the Iberian Peninsula in 711, the entire peninsula, except for a small part in the North, became subjugated to the Umayyad Caliphate. The rebellion of Berbers, who contributed more to the expansion but were rewarded less than the Arabs, from 740 to 743 brought about two significant changes in al-Andalus: first, the relative expansion of Christian Kingdom of Asturias; second, the collapse of Caliph's authority in al-Andalus and rise of the Fihrids, an Arab family who ruled al-Andalus since slightly before the collapse of the Umayyad Caliphate.
            Meanwhile, the Kingdom of Asturias, founded by Pelayo (Pelagius) in 718, kept on his expansion southward, gaining piecemeal amount of Muslim territories. A significant Asturian achievement was the defeat of Muslims in the Battle of Covadonga (722), which some historians believe to mark the beginning of the Christian campaigns against Muslims, the Reconquista.

IV.2 Umayyad Emirate of Cordoba (756-929): Solidifying the Muslim Authority in Iberia
            In 756, Abd al-Rahman I, an exiled Umayyad prince, ousted Yusuf ibn 'Abd al-Rahman al-Fihri, the Umayyad governor of the al-Andalus, and established the Umayyad Emirate of Cordoba. For the following century and a half, the descendents of al-Rahman maintained nominal control over the Islamic Spain, of which the extent of control varied with the Emir's individual competence. The establishment of Umayyad Emirate was significant in that it was independent from the Islamic world outside the Iberian Peninsula, the Abbasid Caliphate, thereby allowing the Iberian Peninsula to formulate its own political characteristics.
            In the Christian north, the Kingdom of Asturias saw consolidation of the regimes and continual territorial expansion to south under King Ordono I (850-866) and King Alfonso III (861-911). However, after the death of Alfonso III, the kingdom was divided by his three sons, and this fragmentation eventually led to the formation of the next generation of Christian kingdoms in northern part of the Iberian Peninsula

IV.3 Caliphate of Cordoba (929-1031): The Golden Age of Islamic Spain
            After ascending to the throne in 912, Abd-al-Rahman III rapidly reinforced Umayyad control over al-Andalus, which had been weakened during the regimes of his predecessor Emirs, and extended the realm of his control to western North Africa. Moreover, he proclaimed himself as Caliph and his Caliphate's religious independence from the Abbasid Caliphate. The elevation of his country to Caliphate was not only a symbolic event to consolidate his position in al-Andalus but also a practical strategy to solidify Mediterranean maritime trade routes and guarantee commercial relationships with the Byzantine Empire. Under the Caliphate, Islamic Spain witnessed its heyday: agricultural production increased greatly thanks to technological advances; the population of Cordoba reached around 500,000; Cordoba became one of the leading cultural centers of the Islamic World; scientists and philosophers from al-Andalus had significant influence on the intellectual society of Medieval Europe. (1)
            Meanwhile in the north, after the death of Alfonso III of Asturias, three of his five sons divided the kingdom into three: Garcia became the king of Leon; Ordono II became the king of Galicia and later the king of Leon as well when his brother Garcia died; Fruela succeed his father's throne in Asturias and later became the king of Leon after the death of Ordono II.

IV.4 The First Taifa Period (1031-1094): Fragmentation of Muslim Power in al-Andalus
            When ten-year-old Hisham II ascended to the throne in 976 after his father al-Hakam II's death, Ibn Abi Aamir (Almanzor), the top-adviser of al-Hakam II, seized actual power over the Caliphate, while Hisham II nominally remained as the Caliph. After his death, his sons Abd al-Milik and Abd al-Rahman Sanchuelo were retained the powers and the Caliph still remained as the only nominal head of the Caliphate. This administrative divisions inside the Caliphate, in addition to the ethnic divisions among Muladies (2), Arabs, and Berbers, who were brought from North Africa by Abi Aamir in order to build his base of support, led to the emergence of small independent principalities called Taifas up to thirty four in total number. Relentless military skirmishes between the Taifas weakened the Muslim power in the Iberian Peninsula so that the Muslims could no more hold their authority over Christians as before.
            While Muslims were suffering fragmentation in southern Iberian Peninsula, the Kingdom of Navarre was the leading force of the Reconquista and went through territorial expansion. Under the leadership of King Sancho III the Great, the kingdom conquered Ribagorza and Sobrarbe and freed itself from the burden of paying tributes to the Muslim powers. After the reign of Sancho, newly-established Kingdom of Aragon and Kingdom of Castile seized hegemony among the Christian kingdoms.

IV.5 Almoravids, Almohads, and Granada (1094-1492): Tug of War between Muslims and Christians

IV.5.1 Almoravid Rule (1094-c.1145)
            Unable to defend themselves from the expansion of Alfonso VI, the king of Castile and Leon, Muslim princes of Taifas invited Yusuf ibn Tashfin, the Almoravid leader in 1086. Although the Muslims did succeed in blocking the Christian expansion, they had to give up their Taifas to the Almoravids. By 1094, ibn Tashfin had removed all Taifas in the peninsula and established an Almoravid government in al-Andalus.

IV.5.2 The Second Taifa Period (c.1145-1172)
            The weak leadership of the Almoravid regime and continuous civilian rebellions against the government led to the emergence of new Taifas from about 1144 to 1147 founded by three distinct groups : qadis, local patrician families of Arab descent, Andalusi military leaders, and religious leaders. However, these small regional regimes did not last long and were conquered by the Almohads by 1172, except for the Taifa of Mallorca, which fell in 1203.

IV.5.3 Almohad Caliphate (1172-1248)
            Like the Almoravids, the Almohads were first welcomed by the Taifa leaders believing them to vanquish the Christian expansion from the North. Although they indeed stopped the Christians, Almohads also conquered the Muslim Taifas, as the Almoravids did previously. The Almohad regime moved capital to Seville from Cordoba, which had been the center of al-Andalus since the Umayyad regime. Although the Caliphate could retain Muslim territory in the southern half of the Iberian Peninsula, Christian kingdoms in the North got so strong that the Caliphate could not expand northward. Due to internal conflicts for power which involved some powers' alliance with King Ferdinand III of Castile and continuous defeat in the skirmishes with Northern Christian kingdoms, the Caliphate gradually but significantly lost territories and was eventually replaced by the Nasrid dynasty.

IV.5.4 Formation and Development of Christian kingdoms (11th-12th Century)
            While Muslims in the south were suffering fragmentation of power and decline, Christians in the north were organizing and developing their kingdoms, although they also lacked a centralized power to unite all the Christians in al-Andalus against Muslims. Especially, Kingdom of Castile and Kingdom of Aragon grew significantly, uniting with nearby small regional regimes.
            The Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa was a significant turning point in the Reconquista and medieval history of Iberia. After the battle between Berber Muslim Almohads and Christian alliance of Castile, Aragon, Leon, and Portugal, the Christian powers, the Castilians took Baea and Ubeda, major fortified cities near Las Navas de Tolosa. The Christian forces harnessed the newly annexed cities as gateways to invade further southward: Cordoba, in 1236, Jaen, in 1246, and Seville, in 1248, fell into hands of Christians after the conquest of Ferdinand III of Castile.

IV.5.5 Nasrid Dynasty in Granada (1238-1492)
            The Nasrid dynasty came into power in 1212 after the Almohad defeat in the Battle of Las Navas de Tolesa and established the Emirate of Granada in the southernmost part of the peninsula in 1238. Since the Emirate's founder Mohammed I ibn Nasir aligned with King Ferdinand III of Castile, the Nasrid Emirs of Granada had to pay tributes to the Christian Kingdom until the conquest of the Emirate in 1492. However, Granada was indeed a prosperous city in the Medieval Europe which was financed by Genoese merchants aiming to gain control of the gold trade carried in through the Saharan routes of caravans. However, when Portugal opened direct maritime gold trade routes to Africa in the 15th century, Granada lost its importance as regional commercial center. Due to continuous internal political conflicts, skirmishes with the Christians along the border, and economic decline, Granada was eventually conquered by the Catholic Monarchs in 1492, an event which marks the completion of the Reconquista.

IV.5.6 Fall of Granada: Completion of the Reconquista
            During the political turmoil in al-Andalus, the Christian powers in northern Iberian Peninsula arose quickly and significantly. Especially, the alliance formed by the Kingdom of Aragon and the Kingdom of Castile, two leading Christian powers in northern Iberia, through the marriage between Ferdinand II and Isabella I, marked the apex of power of Christian resistance against the Muslims. The Catholic Monarchs launched a military campaign against the Emirate of Granada to recover the purity of Iberia's Christian identity as well as territories in southern Iberia that Christians in the Peninsula had lost for nearly 800 years. After ceaseless skirmishes from the Christian attack on and conquest of Alhama in 1482, the fortress of Alhambra eventually fell in 1492, and the political history of Muslim rules in the Iberian Peninsula was over.

V. Christian Attitude

V.1 The Origin of the Idea of the Reconquista (8th-9th Century)
            According to O'Callaghan, the idea of the Reconquista was first expressed explicitly "in the ninth-century chronicles written in the tiny northern kingdom of Asturias, the so-called Prophetic Chronicle, the Chronicle of Albelda, and the Chronicle of Alfonso III." (3)

V.1.1 Prophetic Chronicle
            In the Prophetic Chronicle, which is actually more like a religious sermon or political propaganda than a historical record, its anonymous author made allusions to the Old Testament (4) to argue that the Muslim conquest was an event foretold in the Bible and so was the recovery of the Christian kingdom, or the Reconquista. Thus, basically, the author promised that Muslim force would soon be expelled as God had already said. In the Chronicle, the author wrote: "the same prophet [Ezekiel] said again to Ishmael: 'Because you forsook your Lord God, I will forsake you and surrender you to the hand of Gog and you and all your people will fall victim to his sword. After you have afflicted them for 170 years, he will give retribution to you as you gave to him.'" (5) Identifying Gog as the Goths living in Spain, the author argued that the 'Ishmaelites', or the Muslims, would be expelled by Gog, or the Goths.

V.1.2 Chronicle of Alfonso III
            This early idea of Muslim invasion and the Reconquista being foretold in the Bible can also be found in another historical chronicle written during the regime of King Alfonso III: Chronicle of Alfonso III. According to Chronicle of Alfonso III, of which the author is unknown but traditionally believed to be Alfonso III, Pelayo (Pelagius), the founder of the Kingdom of Asturias, said "I have faith in that the promise of the Lord which was spoken through David will be fulfilled in us: 'I will visit their iniquities with the rod and their sins with scourges; but I will not remove my mercy from them.' (Ps.89:32-33)." (6) Furthermore, the author wrote about "the vengeance of the Lord": when 63,000 Muslim soldiers were chased by Asturians up to the summit of Mt. Auseva, "by a judgment of God, the mountain, quaking from its very base, hurled the 63,000 men into the river and crushed them all." (7)

V.1.3 Chronicle of Albelda
            Chronicle of Albelda, on the other hand, provides a relatively objective description about the relationship between the Christian kingdom of Asturias and the Muslim power in that it doesn't associate the military skirmishes with prophecies in the Old Testament. However, since it was written at the court of Asturias, its description is focused on glorifying the Christian rulers of Asturias, mainly listing the Asturian kings' feats in defeating Muslim invaders.

V.1.4 Chapter Analysis
            To sum up, when the idea of the Reconquista first came into the mind of Christians living in Iberia, it had two implications: religious, and political. First, the Reconquista meant recovery of not only the lost land in the Peninsula but also the bliss of God. Christians in the Iberian Peninsula believed that the Muslim invasion was God's punishment for their sins and they would be able to regain their lost lands if God forgives them, just as the Hebrews in the Old Testament did. Also, the Reconquista was used as a means of solidifying the authority of the Christian regime. By showing that they were still able to defeat Muslim invaders and retain territory, the Christian rulers in the northern part of the Iberian Peninsula could reinforce their control over their kingdom.

V.2 Less Religious Attitudes on the Reconquista (10th-11th Century)
            Unlike the early period of the Reconquista, when the Christians associated Muslim invasion and their campaigns against the invaders with the prophecies in the Bible, 10th to 11th Century show a less religious attitude among Christians toward the Reconquista, which means that they related the Reconquista more with practical causes than with spiritual causes. Conquest of Toledo (1085), which was recorded in Primera Cronica General de Espana and conversion of the mosque of Toledo (1085), which was recorded in De rebus Hispaniae, are two examples which show such changed attitudes among Christians toward the Reconquista.

V.2.1 Conquest of Toledo (1085)
            According to Primera Cronica General de Espana, King Alfonso VI of Leon-Castile invaded and conquered the Taifa of Toledo at the request of its inhabitants. The "evil and villainous" Yahia, the ruler of Toledo, "felt no compassion for the sorrows of his people, even as they were attacked by their enemies on all sides." (8) The despairing inhabitants of Toledo therefore sought help from the rulers of other regions, including King Alfonso VI of Leon-Castile.
            Although the authenticity of this claim is a matter of debate, the claim itself has significance in analyzing the Christian attitude toward the Reconquista in the 11th century: Christians sought the justification not from Christianity. When we consider that the Christians in the Iberian Peninsula associated the Muslim invasion and the Reconquista with prophecies in the Old Testament, this was a surprising change, which implies that the Reconquista was not just a conflict between two religious groups in one religion, but a more complicated political phenomenon which involved various factors such as politics, economy, etc.

V.2.2 Conversion of the Mosque of Toledo (1085)
            That the Reconquista was not from a purely religious motivation can also be confirmed in the set of events involving the conversion of the mosque of Toledo into a Christian church.
            One of the terms that King Alfonso VI promised to the inhabitants of Toledo when he conquered the Taifa was that the main mosque would remain in Christian hands. However, when the king left Toledo, the archbishop-elect Bernard de Sedirac and Alfonso's wife Queen Constanza consecrated the mosque as a church. When the king heard this news, he got enraged and left from Leon back to Toledo to restore the Muslim possession of the mosque and "punish the offenders severely." On his way to Toledo, however, he was persuaded not to punish the archbishop-elect and the queen by the Muslim inhabitants of Toledo who feared the possible retaliation of Christians and the descendents of the queen in near future.
            The significance of this set of events lies in that the Christian king himself acted as the protector of 'pagan' Islam, even attempting to punish his own wife, again implying the existence of non-religious motivation in the Reconquista. Had his conquest been solely motivated by religious causes, he would have eradicated all Muslim traces from Toledo, or at least would have acquiesced the conversion of the mosque. However, since his expedition was not purely religion-motivated, he tolerated, and even supported to some extent, the Muslim population in the newly-annexed territory of his Christian kingdom.

V.3 The Reconquista as Crusade (12th-13th Century)
            As a result of French and papal influences in the Reconquista from the second half of the 11th Century, the Reconquista transformed into a Crusade, which meant not only the involvement of foreign Christian forces into the military campaigns in the Iberian Peninsula but also the unification of Christian forces under the name of 'Christianity.' So far, the Reconquista had been regarded more as an individual state's business rather than as expansion of the entire Christian hegemony in the Iberian Peninsula. However, since the 12th Century, the Christian military forces began to attempt unification whether through annexation of one by another or through temporary military alliances. The declaration of Leonese Empire by Alfonso VII and the privileges given to private Christian military orders exemplify such trend.

V.3.1 Declaration of Leonese Empire (1135)
            In 1135, King Alfonso VII, the grandson of Alfonso VI who unified Leon, Castile, and Galicia and conquered Toledo, declared himself as an emperor. Although this nominal empire didn't last long, the declaration had a significant meaning in that it showed the growing awareness about uniting the Christiandom inside the Iberian Peninsula to fight against the Muslim powers in the south. Indeed, right after the declaration, Emperor Alfonso ordered the governors of frontier regions including Toledo to get prepared "to make war against the infidel Saracens" and "avenge all challenges to God and Christian law." (9)

V.3.2 Grants to Christian Military Orders (mid-12th Century)
            During the 12th Century, military confraternities arose in al-Andalus to fight against the Muslim regime. As a response to such private military efforts against Muslims, the Christian Kingdoms in the Iberian Peninsula provided the confraternities with certain grants and privileges. Confraternity of Belchite, for which Alfonso VII of Leon-Castile issued privileges, was an example.
            According to the charter issued by Alfonso VII to guarantee the privileges bestowed to the Confraternity of Belchite, the Emperor called the Confraternity as "a Christian knighthood" determined and established "for the preservation, defense, and expansion of the Christian people, and for the suppression and destruction of the arrogance and aggression of the faithless pagans" (10) Also, he allowed the Belchites privileges such as exemption from mandatory military services, the possession of any properties or land acquired through conquering Muslims, and exemption from paying quinto, a 20 percent royal levy on spoils of war.
            Such active supports of Christian rulers to private Christian military orders signify the change of their viewpoints to the Reconquista. Previously, the Reconquista was considered as military conflicts between political entities. However, during the 12th Century, the Christian rulers got to regard the Reconquista as a struggle between the entire Muslim population and the entire Christian population in the Iberian Peninsula. Therefore, they actively supported Christian military orders as their comrades of territorial expansion.

V.4 Hatred toward the Muslims (14th-15th Century)
            According to many historians, by the 15th Century, Christian-Muslim coexistence in the Iberian Peninsula was virtually impossible due to the anti-Muslim sentiment amongst the Christian population. (11) Such hatred of Christians toward the Muslims accelerated the final stages of the Muslim rule in the Iberian Peninsula, eventually leading to the fall of Granada in 1492, an event which marked the completion of the Reconquista.
            A good example of such anti-Muslim sentiment was the violence that took place in 1491, in Valencia, where the Christians' intolerance toward Muslims was highest since the Muslim inhabitants there could only speak in Arabic. Right after a Muslim man was murdered by another Muslim in the city, a mass of Christians took arms against Muslims for they caused disturbance on the day of Corpus Christi, an important Christian holiday. This readiness of Christians to take arms to Muslims whenever needed proves the existence of highly anti-Muslim sentiments in general Christian population.

VI. Muslim Attitude toward the Reconquista

VI.1 Early Reaction to Christian Power (8th century)
            Since there has not been found a written historical record that shows the early views of Muslims toward the Christian forces in al-Andalus, (the earliest account of Muslim invasion from their eyes is History of the Conquest of al-Andalus, which is believed to be written in mid-9th century) we should focus on analyzing the Muslim 'reactions' to the Reconquista through examining Muslim laws regarding the Christian population in al-Andalus or treaties between Muslims and Christians. Treaty of Orihuela (713) and Pact of 'Umar (720) are two of such documents.

VI.1.1 Treaty of Orihuela
            Treaty of Orihuela, a peace treaty between Abd al-'Aziz ibn Musa ibn Nasuir, the first governor of al-Andalus, and Thedomir, the local ruler of Murcia, states the relationship between the Muslim rulers and the Christian population in al-Andalus. According to the document, Christians "will not be killed or taken prisoner, nor will they be separated from their women and children," and "will not be coerced in matters of religion" (12) as long as the following two conditions are satisfied. First, they should be loyal to the Muslim regime. They should not "give shelter to fugitives, nor to [the Muslim rulers'] enemies, nor encourage any protected person to fear [the Muslims], nor conceal the news of [the Muslim rulers'] enemies." (13) Second, the Christians had to pay annual tributes, including "one dinar every year, together with four measures of wheat, for measures of barley, four liquid measures of concentrated fruit juice, four liquid measures of vinegar, four of honey, and four of olive oil." (14)

VI.1.2 Pact of 'Umar
            The limitations imposed on the rights of the Christians were better manifested in Pact of 'Umar, which is believed to be written under the Umayyad caliph 'Umar II (c.682-720) although the document itself takes the form of a letter from Christians to the caliph 'Umar ibn al-Khattab (c.586-644). As the Pact functioned as a standard of treatments to Christians in the Caliphate, Christians in al-Andalus could maintain their religion as long as they satisfied the following conditions. First, they couldn't expand their religion: they couldn't build new monasteries, churches, convents, or monk's cells. Second, they should not manifest their religion publicly nor convert anyone into their religion: they should not show crosses or Bible in public places; they had to hold their religious ceremonies silently so that no Muslim can hear them. Third, they had to be loyal to the Muslim regime: they should not hide a spy from Muslims nor provide him/her with shelter. Last, they had to distinguish themselves from Muslims and remain as the underprivileged class of the society: they had to wear belts named zunnar so that people could recognize them as Christians; they should not wear the clothes and garments that Muslims did; they should not build houses overtopping those of the Muslims.

VI.1.3 Chapter Analysis
            The fact that the Muslim regime in al-Andalus allowed religious toleration to the Christian population can be attributed to two factors, in addition to that Muslims respected Christians and Jews as their brothers who share the same Abrahamic religion. First, religious toleration would allow Muslims to expand and maintain their control over the Iberian Peninsula more expediently as it reduced the resistance of Christians. Also, religious toleration can be interpreted as a sign that the Muslim regime regarded the Christian population as a serious threat to the regime. Although the Muslim rulers prohibited Christians from in order to keep the Christian community in al-Andalus below a certain extent, they didn't feel the need to eradicate the Christian community completely since they neglected the potential threat that Christians might pose on their regimes.

VI.2 Rising Concerns about the Christian Power (9th-10th Century)
            As the Christian forces in the North, which the Muslims had been neglecting, began to so significantly that might be threatening to the Muslim regime, the Muslim rulers became more and more concerned about the Christian powers. The siege of Bobastro in 928, written in Ibn Hayyan's al-Muqtabis, and Ibn Abi-Aamir's raid on the city of Santiago de Compostela in 997, which was the theme of Ibn Darraj al-Qastalli's Ode in Praise of al-Mansur's Victory are two events that exemplify such concerns within the Muslim regime about Christian forces.

VI.2.1 Siege of Bobastro (928)
            Under the leadership of Christian 'Umar ibn Hafsun, anti-Umayyad rebellion took place for decades in southern Iberia. Thus, 'Abd al-Rahman III, who soon would found the Caliphate of Cordoba, besieged the city of Bobastro, the center of the rebellion, in 928, an event which was recorded in Al-Muqtabis by Ibn Hayyan.
            In al-Muqtabis, the author calls the city of Bobastro as "a foundation of polytheism, a house of unbelief and falsehood, a center of Christian power, its shelter, refuge, abod, and bastion redoubtable from its flanks and perimeter" (15) After the besiegement, the rebels inside the city finally surrendered to the Umayyad force, and the Umayyads guaranteed safe-conduct to all those who surrendered.

VI.2.2 Raid on the City of Santiago de Compostela (997)
            Ibn Abi-Aamir (Almanzor), the de-facto ruler of the Caliphate of Cordoba under young Caliph Hisham II, launched military campaigns against the Christian powers in the North, mainly Castile and Leon. Santiago de Compostela in Galicia, was also a target of his conquest.

VI.2.3 Chapter Analysis
            Compared to the early Muslim rulers of al-Andalus, the Muslims in the 9th to 10th century became more concerned with the rising power of Christians in the north. Thus, some rulers, including 'Abd al-Rahman III and Ibn Abi-Aamir, actively launched military campaigns against Christian powers both inside and outside their territories. However, what's noteworthy about this period is that the Muslims still didn't regard Christians as significantly threatening their regime. Rather, their military campaigns against Christians were intended more in consolidating the rulers' authority within the Muslim population than in eliminating the enemies outside the state. In other words, the Muslim rulers used their fights against the Reconquista as a way of dealing with internal affairs within al-Andalus. In case of Ibn Abi-Aamir, who unjustly took power from the young caliph, he needed to justify his authority by proving himself as a rigorist Muslim. Such desire could also be found in his private lifestyle: "on campaign against the infidel he carried with him a Qur'an, copied by himself." (16) Even, he patronized poets to write poems in praise of his deeds: Ode in Praise of al-Mansur's Victory by Ibn Darraj al-Qastalli is a good example.
            In case of 'Abd al-Rahman III, if the document about siege of Bobastro is truly a letter written by him as it appears, he directly requested the reader of the letter to "order the reading of this [letter] to Muslims." (17) By publicly showing his achievements in conquering Christians, the ambitious ruler attempted to prove himself as a competent leader of the Muslim population in al-Andalus.

VI.3 The Reconquista as Spiritual Struggle for Muslims (11th-13th Century)
            So far, the Muslims regarded the Reconquista more of an internal matter of al-Andalus, which was separate from the outer Muslim world. To them, the Reconquista was basically a political skirmish seeking justification through religion. However, since the Taifas formed after the fall of Caliphate of Cordoba lacked power to withstand the Christian expansion from the north, Muslims in al-Andalus began to look to the Muslim forces outside the peninsula, now regarding the Reconquista as a matter which involves the entire Muslim world. A good example of such change is Account of the Battle of Zallaqa by Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi.

VI.3.1 Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi's Account of the Battle of Zallaqa (1224)
            After the fall of Toledo by Alfonso IV in 1085, several Taifa rulers, including al-Mu'tamid of Seville, asked for help from the Almoravid ruler Yusuf ibn Tashufin in North Africa. In response, ibn Tashufin brought his troops to al-Andalus and encountered the Christian forces in Zallaqa, where he succeeded in defeating Christians and halting their expansion southward. The Battle of Zallaqa was significant in that the Muslims in al-Andalus first sought for help from the outer Muslim world, regarding their fights against the Christian expansion as their spiritual struggle to maintain their faith.
            Account of the Battle of Zallaqa, a historical record written by Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi two hundred years after the battle, properly exemplifies such change in the Muslim attitude toward the Reconquista. According to the Account, Yusuf ibn Tashufin, the Almoravid ruler, proclaimed to the Muslim in al-Andalus that he had come "with the aim of fighting Holy War against the enemy." (18) Also, the author of the Account defined the two factions of the battle as "Muslim and Christian" (19) These specific expressions mark the change of Muslim attitudes toward the Reconquista. So far, the main goal of Muslim military campaigns against Christians was practical political benefits: through conquest of Christian territories, Muslim rulers attempted to solidify their authority within al-Andalus. However, since 11th century, when the Iberian Peninsula witnessed serious fragmentation and decline of Muslim power and development of Christian forces simultaneously, Muslims in al-Andalus began to regard Christians as decisive threats to their political and religious hegemony in the peninsula, even calling for aids from the Muslim world outside the peninsula. As they got to view the Reconquista as serious threat to their own religious group, not just mere revolts in parts of the al-Andalus, they began to use the expressions like the "Holy War" in propagandizing their struggles against the invading Christian forces.

VI.3.2 'Abd Allah ibn Bluggin's Tibyan (1095)
            In the memoir named Tibyan of a Taifa ruler who drew Almoravid force into the Iberian Peninsula, 'Abd Allah ibn Bluggin, also reveals the Muslim's contemporary identification of the Reconquista as a spiritual struggle. Having been accused by other Taifa rulers for treachery, mainly because his Taifa was not conquered by Christians, he explains in his memoir the political and diplomatic situation that his Taifa faced before the arrival of Almoravid force to justify his "prudent decision" to pay tribute money to the Christian kingdom of Castile, which he claims to be meant not to "expose Muslims in danger." (20) He also swears that he was not responsible for "a single word uttered in malice against any Muslim." (21) Along with such specific expressions which identify the entire Muslim community in al-Andalus as the objects of his protection, the fact itself that ibn Bluggin was accused for treachery to the 'Muslims' proves that the Muslim population in al-Andalus got to regard the Reconquista as a religious war between Muslims and Christians, not as mere military skirmishes between regional powers.

VI.4 Acceptance of the End of Muslim Regime (15th Century)
            As the Christian forces grew stronger and stronger, the Muslims in al-Andalus could do nothing but to admit that their hegemony in the Iberian Peninsula had been completely lost.
            Thus, their main concern was now how they could obtain the best conditions of living under Christian rulers. The anonymous Arabic chronicle Nubdhat al-'asr explicitly shows such concern among Muslims right before the fall of Granada, an event which marked the completion of the Reconquista.
            After months of besiegement by the Christian forces from Aragon and Castile, the leading class of the city, who had witnessed "how weak they [the inhabitants] were, and how afflicted by hunger, how little food there was," (22) got to admit the fact there was no hope left for their victory against the Christians. Thus, they eventually decided to give up the city so that they could be guaranteed with the conditions they were seeking for: religious toleration, protection of the city and inhabitants, etc, as revealed in the Treaty of Granada (1491). When the inhabitants of Granada, along with Emir Muhammad ibn 'Ali (Boabdil), surrendered to the Christian forces in 1492, the Reconquista, which had lasted for almost 800 years, eventually came to an end.

VII. Jewish Attitude toward the Reconquista

VII.1 Lack of Contemporary Records Written by Jews
            A major limitation on this chapter is that there are no sufficient Jewish primary sources on Islamic Spain and the Reconquista. There may be several reasons for such lack of surces: (a) many written sources could have been lost on the course of the Diaspora after the expulsion in 1492; (b) the contemporary political or military situation within the Iberian Peninsula was not a main concern for Sephardim, who mostly cared about their cultural and intellectual heritages; (c) the writings of Sephardim, a third party in the Iberian Peninsula, did not represent the Jews themselves, and was rather written on behalf of Christians and Muslims, thereby lacking sufficient reflection of Jewish views on contemporary Iberian Peninsula. Therefore, this chapter mainly focuses on analyzing the 'reactions' of Jews rather than their 'views' on the Reconquista, while it does harness a few written accounts.

VII.2 Early Jewish Collaboration with the Muslim Power (711-c.912)
            The Muslim invasion in 711 and following prevalence of Muslim power marked a significant change in the lives of Sephardim, Jewish residents in Iberia. While Christians left their towns at the invasion of the army of Umayyad general Tariq ibn Ziyad, few Jews remained. The Muslim conquers gathered such Jewish remainders in important cities and fortresses and left those vacant cities and fortresses at the hands of Jewish collaborators, who acted as local militia and guarded the gates.
            The reason for such Jewish collaboration with Muslim power was obvious: Jews considered Muslim invaders as their liberators. Compared to the conditions that Jews faced in Visigothic Spain or other contemporary Christian states, those allowed to Sephardic Jews under Muslim control, although indeed limited, were way more generous. While he status of dhimmi (non-Muslim residents with monotheistic faith) put the Jews into a position inferior to that of Muslims, it also allowed them privileges over other 'pagans' with polytheistic faith. While the latter was forced to choose between conversion to Islam and death, Jews were allowed residence at the expense of special taxes levied, and Jewish communities were regarded as dar al-sulh or dar al-ahd, terms referring to territories with non-aggression treaty with Muslim states.
            Thanks to the religious tolerance, a large number of Jews, especially refugees who escaped from the persecution of Visigothic Spaniards to Morocco, immigrated to al-Andalus.

VII.3 The Jewish Golden Age in al-Andalus (c.912-c.1100)

VII.3.1 Beginning of the Golden Age
            There's a dispute among scholars when was the actual beginning of the Jewish Golden Age in al-Andalus. Although some argue that the Muslim invasion in 712 was the beginning of the Golden Age, the regimes of Abd-ar-Rahman III (912-961) since 912 and the establishment of the Caliphate of Cordoba (929) marked a significant improvement of the position Jewish communities and culture held in al-Andalus.

VII.3.2 Jews Holding High Political Positions
            During the Golden Age, Sephardim took the high governmental positions and worked for the Muslim governors. A prominent example was Hasdai ibn Shaprut (c.915-c.975). Having been educated in medicine, as well as Arabic and Latin, he was appointed as the physician of the caliph Abd-ar-Rahman III (912-961) and later became the caliph's confidant counselor. Although he did not have the title as a vizier, in reality he was in charge of the caliphate's foreign affairs. For example, when the caliph's close friend Muhammad ibn Hashim al-Tujibi was taken as a prisoner of war to the Kingdom of Leon, the caliph sent Hasdai ibn Shaprut as his ambassador to King Ramiro II of Leon (c.900-951). According to an account of Muslim historian Ibn Hayyan (987-1075), when the caliph sent Hasdai ibn Shprut to the Christian kingdom, the caliph called Hasdai as "unique man of his generation the likes of whom could not be found amongst the servants of any other emperor in the world, because of his high culture, the depth of his cunning, his sharp discernment, and his exceptional cleverness," a complement which allows a glimpse into the credit that Hasdai received from the caliph. (23)

VII.3.3 Intellectual and Cultural Prosperity of Sephardim
            The regime of caliph Abd ar-Rahman III was characterized by his support for philological research, which led to the rising interest toward Hebrew texts. Especially, the caliph's counselor Hasdai ibn Shaprut actively supported Jewish literature. Himself a poet, he supported many Jewish poets and actually brought some from other countries, such as Dunash ben Labrat (920-990), who is called as the founder of Spanish Hebrew poetry. Hasdai ibn Shprut also supported scholarship among Jews by importing Hebrew books from the East in a large quantity and supporting a group of scholars he gathered around him.

VII.3.4 End of the Golden Age
            The dismantlement of the caliphate's system of centralized authority since late 10th century eventually led to social turmoil and end of the caliphate. Following the fall of the caliphate, numerous smaller states, both Muslim and Christian, emerged and competed with each other for power. While Sephardim temporarily encountered more opportunities of being recruited in the courts of the new states, the collapse of the Caliphate of Cordoba, of which the court and officials supported Jewish culture, marked the end of Jewish cultural prosperity in the Iberian Peninsula.

VII.4 Muslim Persecutions of Jews and Jewish Refuge in Christian States (c.1100-1492)
            While Muslim states in southern Iberian Peninsula was suffering in fragmentation and numerous skirmishes, the Christian power in the North kept on its southward expansion. Enduring the fierce encounters with its Christian enemies, Muslims under the regimes of Almoravid, Almohad and Nasrid dynasty, sequentially, clung more tightly to Muslim principles, especially restrictions on non-Muslim residents. Especially, the Almohad dynasty persecuted Christians and Jews extensively and violently. In the poems of Abraham ibn Ezra (c.1089-1164), the persecution is described as an event in which "sages and great men died in famine ... The Talmud's pillar [was] bent, its structure destroyed, the Mishnah subjected to scorn and trampled underfoot" by " the enemies." (24)
            Therefore, it was natural that Jews felt enticed by and fled to the Christian states in the north. Although not so hospitable, the Christian kingdoms allowed a degree of religious toleration and, oftentimes, positions of work. The Christians and Jews, to say, formed a reciprocally beneficial contract: while Christians were busy with the war business, it was the Jews' task to reorganize the conquered areas, filling the place of Muslims.

VII.5 Completion of the Reconquista and Expulsion of Jews (1492)

VII.5.1 The Alhambra Decree (1492)
            After Queen Isabella I of Castile and King Ferdinand II of Aragon, also known as the Catholic Monarchs, completed the Reconquista by conquering Granada, they issued the Alhambra Decree which ordered Sephardim "to depart and never to return or come back to [their kingdoms] or any of [their kingdoms]" (25) since Jews "seek always and by whatever means and ways they can to subvert and to steal faithful Christians from holy Catholic faith." (26)

VII.5.2 Jewish Attitude toward the Expulsion

VII.5.2.1 The Account of an Anonymous Jewish Writer on the Expulsion (1495)
            According to the account of an anonymous Jew in Italy, the immediate reaction that Jews took toward the expulsion movements within Christian Spain, which surfaced about a decade before the Alhambra Decree, was negotiation. Two rabanim (plural of 'rabbi'), Abraham Seneor (1412-1493) and Rabbi Meir Melamed (14??-15??), represented the Sephardim in a hope to be allowed to "remain in the country on the payment of a large sum of money." (27) However, the agreement, which the Jews were confident about, was frustrated by the intervention of an official (28), who referred to the story of Judas betraying Jesus for thirty pieces of silver.
            When their effort of negotiation failed, therefore, Sephardim were forced to leave Spain and move to other countries. Although the exact number of exiled Jews was not counted, the author claims that 50,000 to 53,000 families are estimated to be exiled. (29) While they received no better treatment in many countries such as Portugal, Genoa and Muslim states than in Spain, some other states such as Naples and Turkey treated Sephardic exiles hospitably: the Jewish immigrants were not persecuted and received financial support, although not sufficient, for settlement.

VII.5.2.2. Jewish Focus on Cultural Identity
            A notable characteristic of the Jewish views on religious persecutions, including the Alhambra Decree, is that they regarded the persecutions more as threats on their cultural identity and heritage than as those on their socio-economic status. This characteristic can be found in the aforementioned poem by Abraham ibn Ezra on the persecutions under Almohad dynasty: he described the persecution as an assault on Judaism and Jewish scholarship, not on the high positions that Jews held in al-Andalus. Naturally, those who abandoned their religious identity were condemned within the Jewish society. For instance, at the end of the aforementioned Jewish account on expulsion, the author blames Marranos (Jews in the Iberian Peninsula who converted to Christianity) as those who "halted between two opinions [Christianity and Judaism], as if they had made new laws for themselves... and chose Christianity in order to die an easier death," (30) claiming that the Portuguese persecution on Marranos was a the Lord's punishment on the renegades.
            As a result of such viewpoint, Sephardim sought to maintain their cultural identity even when they were in exile. A good example such Jewish eager for cultural maintenance is Judah Abravanel (c.1465-c.1423)'s poem to his son, written in 1503. Written in Italy, the poem urges the poet's son in Portugal to "know that [he] descended from scholars, men with minds developed to the point of prophecy" and to think "learning Scripture, conning the commentators, memorizing Mishna, reasoning out the Talmud with the Thirteen Pricinples" as pleasure, so that the young son, having lived in Portugal for all his life apart from his father, would not lose his identity as a Jew. (31)

VIII. Conclusion
            During the around 800 years of Muslim rule in the Iberian Peninsula, Christians and Muslims, the two rivaling factions, experienced changes in their attitudes toward the Reconquista. In case of Christians, the basic sentiments which formed the motivation for their southward expansion were (a) faith in that the lost and recovery of the Iberian Peninsula were all foretold in the Bible, (b) concern for less religious and more practical factors (c) sense of unity amongst Christians fighting against Muslims, and (d) hatred toward the Muslim population in the Iberian Peninsula, in sequence. On the other hand, the Muslims, who at first neglected the potential Christian influence on their regime, became more and more and concerned about the rising Christian power until the extent that they had to seek for help from outer Muslim world, and eventually had to face the complete recovery of Christian territories in the Iberian Peninsula.
            Unlike the Christians and Muslims who were directly involved in the Reconquista competing with each other, Jews, to say, a third party in the Reconquista, had a different yet constant objective: a better condition for their community and maintenance of their cultural heritage. Throughout the existence of Muslim power in the Iberian Peninsula, Sephardim collaborated with those who provided them with better conditions: the Muslims from the 8th to the 11th century and the Christians from the 12th century until the completion of the Reconquista in 1492. On the other hand, regardless of whom they collaborated with, Jews maintained their unique cultural and intellectual identity throughout the eight centuries of Muslim existence, even after they were expelled from the Iberian Peninsula.
            Had the Reconquista just been a mere conflict between two religious groups over territories, the attitudes of Christians, Muslims and Jews, especially the first two, toward it would not have varied so much. The variance in the attitudes of the three religious groups in the Iberian Peninsula toward the Reconquista shows that various factors other than religion, such as the political situations outside of Iberian Peninsula, the position of Iberia in international economy, etc, were also involved in the 800 years of Christian resistance toward Muslim powers.

(1)      from Wikipedia.
(2)      Muslims of ethnic Iberian descent or of mixed Arab, Berbers, and European origin
(3)      O'Callaghan, 2003. p.6
(4)      Ezekiel 38-39. Although the quotes in the chronicle don't exactly match the words in the current version, we can infer that the author is alluding to Ezekiel 38-39, based on his mentioning on Gog.
(5)      Anonymous, Chronica Prophetica
(6)      Constable, 1997. p.51
(7)      ibid. p.52
(8)      ibid, p.132
(9)      ibid, pp.175-176
(10)      ibid p.204
(11)      ibid p.491
(12)      ibid p.45
(13)      ibid.
(14)      ibid. p.46
(15)      ibid. p.82
(16)      Kennedy, 1996. p.119
(17)      Constable, 1997. p.84
(18)      ibid. p.139
(19)      ibid.
(20)      ibid. p.141
(21)      ibid. p.146
(22)      ibid. p.506
(23)      Golb, p.2
(24)      Constable, 1997. p.266
(25)      ibid. p.511
(26)      ibid. p.510
(27)      Cowans, 2003. p.25
(28)      According to the translation of Jacob R. Marcus, it was a prior, not an official, called the Prior of Santa Cruz, and Tomas de Torquemada (1420-1498) was the prior of the convent of Santa Cruz then. (Constable, 1997. p.514)
(29)      Cowans, 2003. p.24
(30)      ibid. p.27
(31)      Constable, 1997. p.520-521

Bibliography Some sources were cited twice if they represented the views of both religious groups.
All websites cited below were visited from May to June, 2012
Unless specifically cited, all Wikipedia articles are in English version

General Information

World History at KMLA
1.      M.Banaza, Geografia e Historia de Espana y de los Paises Hispanicos Iberica (Geography and History of Spain and the Hispanic Countries in Iberian Peninsula), fifth edition, Vicens Vives, 1996, in Spanish.
2.      Kennedy, Hugh. Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of Al-Andalus. London: Longman, 1996.
3.      O'Callaghan, Joseph F. Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2003. from Google Books.
4.      Gerber, Jane S. The Jews of Spain: A History of the Sephardic Experience. New York: Free, 1992.
5.      Golb, Norman. The Caliph's Favorite : New Light from Manuscript Sources on Hasdai ibn Shaprut of Cordoba. from the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago's_favorite.pdf
6.      Article : Timeline of the Muslim Presence in the Iberian Peninsula, from Wikipedia,
7.      Article : Al-Andalus, from Wikipedia,
8.      Article : Al-Andalus, from Wikipedia (Spanish),
9.      Article : Reconquista, from Wikipedia,
10.      Article : Reconquista, from Wikipedia (Spanish)
11.      Article : Primeros Reinos de Taifas, from Wikipedia (Spanish),
12.      Article : Segundos Reinos de Taifas, from Wikipedia (Spanish),
13.      Article : Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa, from Wikipedia,
14.      Article : Emirate of Granada, from Wikipedia,
15.      Article : Umar ibn Hafsun, from Wikipedia,
16.      Article : History of the Jews in Spain, from Wikipedia,
17.      Article: Spanish and Portuguese Jews, from Wikipedia
18.      Article : Sephardi Jews, from Wikipedia
19.      Article : Hasdai ibn Shaprut, from Wikipedia

Bibliographical Sources
20.      Constable, Olivia Remie. Medieval Iberia: Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1997.
21.      Term Paper Topics 15th Wave 2012 March, written and posted by Alexander Ganse on November 19th 2011, from WHKMLA,

Primary Sources : Christian Sources
22.      Anonymous, Chronica Prophetica (Prophetic Article), written in Latin, translated into English by Kenneth B. Wolf. Written in 833. from Internet Archive
23.      Isidore of Seville, History of the Goths, Vandals, and Suevi, written in Latin, translated into English by Kenneth B. Wolf, from Tertullian project
24.      Cowans, Jon. Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 2003. from Google Books : Treaty of Granada, pp.15-19
25.      Constable. 1997.
- Anonymous, Chronicle of Alfonso III, translated by Kenneth B. Wolf, pp.47-52
- Anonymous, Chronicle of Albelda, translated by Kenneth B. Wolf
- Primera Cronica Genera de Espana, c. 1290, translated from Castilian to English by John Moscatiello, pp. 131-134
- Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada, De rebus Hispaniae, translated from Latin to English by Colin Smith, pp.134-135
- Anonymous, Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris, translated from Latin to English by Olivia Remie Constable, pp.174-179
- Privilege to Confraternity of Belchite, translated from Latin to English by James W. Brodman, pp.203-205
- Socializing and Violence on Corpus Christi Day, translated from Catalan to English by Mark Meyerson, pp.491-493

Primary Sources : Muslim Sources
26.      Ibn-abd-el-Hakam, History of the Conquest of Spain, translated by John Harris Jones. Gottingen. from Google Books
27.      Constable. 1997.
- Treaty of Tudmir (Treaty of Orihuela), translated from Arabic to English by Olivia Remie Constable, pp.45-46
- Ibn Hayyan, al-Muqtabis, translated from Arabic to English by Paul M. Cobb, pp.81-86
- 'Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi, Account of the Battle of Zallaqa, translated from Arabic to English by Charles Melville, pp.138-141
- 'Abd Allah ibn Bluggin, Tiryan, 1095, translated from Arabic to English by Amin T. Tibi, pp.142-146
- Pact of í«Umar, translated from Arabic to English by Bernard Lewis, pp.43-44
28.      Cowans, 2003.
- Treaty of Granada, pp.15-19

Primary Sources : Jewish Sources
29.      Cowans, 2003
- Anonymous, The Expulsion of the Jews from Spain, 1495, translated from Hebrew to English by Alexander Marx, pp.24-27
30.      Constable, 1997
- Abraham ibn Ezra, Jewish Lament in the Wake of Almohad Persecutions, c.1200, translated from Hebrew to English by Ross Brann, pp.265-266
- Charter of Expulsion, 1492, translated from Castilian to English by Edward Peters, pp.508-513
- Judah Abravanel, Poem to His Son, 1503, translated from Hebrew to English by Raymod P. Scheidlin, pp.516-523

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