History of Niger Delta Crisis


Korean Minjok Leadership Academy
KSH



2nd Draft, February 11th 2014
1st Draft, December 24 2013
Table of Contents, 1st Draft, June 30 2013
Chapter 5, 1st Draft, June 30 2013
Bibliography, 1st Draft, June 30 2013



2nd Draft . . Go to Teacher's Comment

1. Introduction
2. Background
2.1. Brief history of colonial-Nigeria
Three British Protectorate (Niger Coast (Oil Rivers) Protectorate 1891 - 1899)
2.2. Geographical/geological characteristics of Niger Delta
3. History and political characteristics
3.1. Postcolonial period (1960-1966)
3.2. Implications of civil war (1966-1970)
3.3. Nationalization of Industry (1970-1983)
4. Environmental Impact of petroleum industry
4.1. Types of environmental pollution
4.1.1. Oil spills
4.1.2. Gas flares
4.1.3. Effluent and waste discharges
4.2. Impacts of the pollution
4.2.1. Adverse impacts on Biodiversity
4.2.2. Socio-economic impacts
4.2.3. Impact of Physical Health
5. Movement from the Niger Delta People
5.1. Twelve Day revolution
5.2. Movement for Survival of Ogoni People
5.3. Kaiama Declaration (1998)
5.4. Contemporary issues
6. Conclusion


1. Introduction
            Blood Oil is the word that refers to petroleum from Niger Delta region in Nigeria. Nigeria, with its enormous quantity of oil, has been a place of chaos and conflict long since its independence from Britain in 1960. It is ironic to see how a nation with enormous resources and workforce suffers from poverty, instability of economy, and political chaos. The territory now held by Nigeria has long played the central role in world market as a supplier of slaves, and other commodities that have played important role in the emergency of modernity. And now, Nigeria is the eight-largest exporter of oil in the world as well as a major supplier of the U.S market. In 2008, the country earned 83 billion dollars in oil and gas revenues. (1) However, it is ranked 211th in average lifetime among 223 countries registered. (2)
            Political corruption, collapse of basic economy, and unscrupulous control of resources by foreign companies all attribute to the problems that Nigeria suffers. The center of the phenomena lays the most important yet difficult problem called Niger Delta Crisis. As one of the most comprehensive conflicts in the world, Niger Delta Crisis reflects the country's political corruption, ethnic problems, foreign dependency, and environmental problems. As the Environment and Conflicts Project (ENCOP) posits that "environmental conflicts manifest themselves as political, social, economic, religious or territorial conflicts, or conflicts over resources or national interests, or any other type of conflict," Niger Delta Crisis can be classified as environmental conflict. (3)
            Then, who should we blame for such intertwined problems ? Where did the problem start and how should we solve the problem ? This paper tries to take a deep look at Niger Delta Crisis in mainly three points - History and political characteristics, environmental impact of the crisis and finally, the movement of Niger Delta People. Throughout the paper, these questions will be reexamined by analyzing the position of government, oil corporations, and Niger Delta People.

2. Background

2.1. Brief History of Colonial Nigeria

2.2. Geographical/geological characteristics of Niger Delta
            Sometimes called Oil Rivers, Niger Delta is the delta of the Niger River that makes up 7.5% of Nigeria's land mass. The area was part of the British Oil Rivers Protectorate from 1885 to 1893. The region includes Bayelsa, Delta, and River States; in 2000, the regime also included Bini, Efik, Ibibio, Annang, Oron, Ijaw, Itsekiri, Isoko, Urhobo, Ukwuani, and Kalabari.

Image 1 Nigerian States (4)

            Among three types of vegetation that comprise Nigeria- forests, savannahs and montane land, Niger Delta has forest- rain forest and mangrove. Niger Delta was once home to diverse native animals and plant species, most of which are now destroyed with heavy ecological damages. (5)
            Geologically, Niger Delta is one of the world's largest Tertiary delta systems. Niger Delta has plentiful oil fields, with 574 fields discovered, 481 oil and 93 natural gas fields. According to US Geology Survey, the oil estimated to be discovered in future is 40 billion barrels, putting Niger Delta as the twelfth largest in the world. (6)

3.1. Post Colonial Nigeria
            After Nigeria got independent in October 1, 1960 with a federal system, the country faced both ethnic and identity instability. Nigeria was divided into unequal regions, with the population and the size of north exceeds those of east and west. Also, the major three ethnicities - Hausa Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo - were dominating the three regions respectively and the minority ethnics were only comprised of one third of population in each region. Therefore, the tension among the regions and ethnic groups was rampant.

Ethnic Groups in Nigeria (7)

            According to Sami Amadi (2007), whereas the bill of rights was introduced into the country after independence and "proclaimed citizenship rights for every Nigerian, the colonial laws that regionalized and ethnicized access to privileges and rights remained effective." (8) The confusion in the standard of ruling became major problem even after independence in most parts of Africa. (9) Such ethnic and identity problems were also reflected in politics. After the independence, Nnamdi Azikwe became Nigeria's first president in 1963 (10) but was overthrown by a military coup after three years. The new government established by the first military coup was ousted by another military coup within two years.
            The national instability explains the reasons that hindered Nigeria's economic development as an oil producer. Originally, Nigeria was perceived as a producer of raw materials, and the country's infrastructure mainly had been established to serve their export. Thus, in 1938, when a joint venture between royal Dutch shell and British petroleum was granted a right to explore oil in Nigeria, the infrastructure for exporting the goods were used. Nigeria's tremendous supply of oil, along with strong transportation infrastructure was the opportunity for Nigeria to supply oil throughout the globe. However, its constant political alterations among elected president and military coup and military president begun in 1960 have brought rampant corruption, an impediment to the development of the country. Over the time, the Nigerian government also switched its main industry from the agricultural based to heavy industry. Thus, gradually, agricultural technology became antiquated, people moved from rural to urban areas, and the basic economy aggravated and caused widespread poverty.
            With such political uncertainty - people didn't know when the regime will finish and be replaced- the government offices were just busy taking their profit without much consideration of the country's future. (11) These traits were reflected in policy making, and caused weak Nigerian economy.

3.2. Biafran Wars
            "The Nigeria civil war broke out on 6 July 1967. The war was the culmination of an uneasy peace and stability that had plagued the nation since independence in 1960. This situation had its genesis in the geography, culture and demography of Nigeria." - Major Abubakar A Atofarati (12)
            The Biafran war was the result of combination of the Igbo's resistance against the Nigerian federal government in Lagos and the conflicts associated with petroleum rents among three regions-North, East, and West. Violence against Igbos occurred as early as 1945 as a form of group-targeted violence and became apparent in 1966. During the three genocidal attacks from May 29 to September 29, 1966, about 30,000 Igbos were indiscriminately killed, which, according to many evidences, was coordinated by highly placed northern politicians also with some federal government officers. (13) The instigation of violence against Igbos stemmed from government officers who highly complained about Igbo's dominance of commerce in the north. (14)
            Besides from regional and ethnic problems, oil is suggested another reason for the break of the war. Petro-politics immediately after independence brought the question of petroleum rents between the federal and the regional governments. The Revenue Allocation Report, which recommended Nigerian industry to relocate the half of the profit to the regions by derivation, caused enormous wealth to the regional governments, particularly the Eastern regional government where main oil fields were discovered and exploited. (15) This allocation brought strong interest of Northern politicians to hold the South for the benefit oil and industries.
            The process of the war is as follows. On the eve of the civil war (1967), Yakubu Gowon, the leader of the federal military government, changed the administrative structures of the country and divided the country into twelve States from four Regions. Immediately after creation of the twelve States, the Eastern Region, predominantly composed of Igbo ethnicity and led by Colonel Ojukwu, an educated Oxford man, declared itself the State of Biafra on May 30. First, the Biafran army seized the whole oil rich Biafra to the west, but in return, Nigerian federal troops had attacked and slowly retook the region town by town within about 24 months. The war resulted in killing of 2 million Nigerian citizens and the reinforcement of Gowon regime as the military dictatorship supported by the capitalists backers such as Britain and US. The war also brought marginalization, nepotism, and tribalism. (16)
            To understand the war in line with oil crisis, we can focus on two vital factors of the war: excessive genocide in Igbos by the federal government, and foreign support of the war.
            Even during the war, the genocide continued; (17) many foreign journalists reported that federal government attacked and killed Igbos although the government completely overran the region. Documented testimonies of victims and observers show cruelty and barbarism of some Nigerian soldiers which naturally lead us to think about the genocidal motivation. According to Dr. Mensah, a leader of the Investigators of the International Commission of Jurists, two witnesses proved about mass graves where Biafrans were buried alive with some sucklings and "the cries and wailing of the sick, the wounded and the babies could be heard from a long distance away." (18)
            Meanwhile the federal government was strongly supported by the Britain. The evidence mainly collected from the Public Records Office (National Archive) in London suggests that protecting the investment of Shell-BP in Nigerian oil had played much important role in the British attempts to support one Nigeria. Since Shell/BP (Anglo-Dutch consortium) was the biggest exploiter of Nigerian oil and held the major concessions for oil in both the Biafra and Niger Delta region where oil had recently begun to be pumped, the Britain actively supported the Nigerian Federal Troops. (19)
            While the Biafran army fought against Nigerian Federal Troops supported by Britain and United States, the Biafran army was supported by some mercenary military officers from Ireland, France, and West Germany and countries such as France, South Africa, and Israel. (20) Especially, France actively supported Biafran through aid through her former colony of Cameroon. As to France, since its rivalry imperialists lost their power to control the Biafran oil, it had been planning to expand their oil concession in the name of the state-owned company, ELF and formed direct rivalry with Shell/BP. The French President, General Charles De Gaulle never formally recognized Biafra, but did support Biafra's "right to self-determination" and gave aid to Biafran through the French colonized states such as Ivory Coast, Cameroon and Gabon. (21)
            On January 14th, 1970, Biafra formally relinquished and Gowon declared the end of the war. The war ended with Biafran lost, the Igbos reintegrated into Nigeria. However, the violence against Biafran continued; the government policy removed the saving of every Biafran who had managed their bank accounts during the war. (22)
            After the genocide, both sides had suffered severe losses and part of the country had been devastated. According to Cebiloan Hyacint, from British Socialist Party, Biafran war has been at the advantage of capitalism along most of the wars that broke such as Liberian war (1989-1996, 1999-2003), Sierra Leone Civil war (1991-2002), Congo war (1997-1999) and Afghanistan war (2001-). (23) Gowon's rule had established a number of new oil terminals and ensured stability of oil profits, just for the government and oil corporations. However, the mistrust built up from the war had gradually worsened the split among the regions and Biafrans were severely criticized by Gowon and his imperialist backers. (24)
            While oil had only played a subsidiary role in the outbreak of the civil war, it is claimed to have more direct role in determining the course and result of the war. (25) It has moved British to support the Federal Nigeria for the sake of protecting its oil enterprises, and France to support Biafra to stand against its one of the strongest imperialist competitor, Britain. Also, the federal government's merciless genocide, caused by Igbo's dominance of commerce mainly from oil, reflects how oil led the war.
            Though the war had ended over 35 year ago, the oil still remains as a divisive factor in the country, driving it far from national unity and economic growth. The intricate political and social problems related to oil made the nation neglect other productive sectors of the Nigerian economy and shifted the attention from economic production to political control.

3.3. Nationalization of Oil
            According to Cabezas, nationalization is "a particular type of organizational structure where the state or nation controls the industry as opposed to private companies or multinational organization." (27) Nationalization can also be represented by joint ventures the form which the state controls the industry but private companies participate in resource extraction and retain some of the profit. The components such as civil society, regionalism, and reliance on oil contribute to the efficiency of a nationalized industry. Also, high reliance on nationalized resource with weak financial institutions have an authoritarian form of government. (28)
            Nigerian nationalization was also operated as a joint venture system with multinational corporation, mainly BP/Shell. However, as the corporations continued invest in Nigeria, they had more powerful political influence. In Journal of Contemporary African Studies, Obi states
            'At the core of the global political economy of the oil industry lie the oil MNC's that control the complex integrated operations of the industry on a global scale. They are collectively the world's wealthiest and most powerful corporations. Oil MNC's are much richer than the individual petro-states with which they do business. Such states are not accountable to their citizens as they live off external oil rents, while the companies are not accountable to the citizens of the countries that they do business with. As such it is often easy for the transnational partners to collude and unleash violence when their interests in oil extraction are threatened.' (29)
            After the government experienced ceased supply of oil through Biafra war, in 1971, it created the Nigerian National Oil Corporation (NNOC) and nationalized the oil industry. Nationalizing the oil industry also reflected the government's ambition to satisfy membership requirement the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). (30) According to International Crisis Group's report of Nigeria, while oil production has taken place by joint ventures with foreign oil companies, NNOC always had majority of the profit. (31)
            While most of the profits were controlled by NNOC, the multinational corporation continuously supported the Nigerian government, thus its power far surpassing that of the Nigerian people; while infrastructure for the advancement of Nigerian people and economy were lacked, infrastructure for oil production and transportation were constantly built. Corruption and misappropriation within the government became epidemic in the 1970s, and brought a policy called "indigenization" in 1972. As a result, the Nigerian businessman with ability to buy out foreign competition highly benefited from the economy. Since only handful of companies could manage oil industry, corruption increased. (32)

4. Environmental Impact of petroleum industry

4.1. Types of environmental pollution
            After the installation of industrial establishments and beginning of oil exploration, extensive environmental pollution began to take place. When oil production constantly developed by the 1980s, the environmental degradation in the Niger Delta had reached the level of crisis. (33) Most multinational oil companies in the Niger Delta have neglected the environment for nearly forty years and negatively affected the rural economic activities of the people. (34) Therefore, issues related to environmental damage should be closely investigated in order to bring peace in the area.

4.1.1. Oil spills
            For the past 50 years, around 1.5 million tons of oil has been spilled into the Niger Delta. This is about 50 times of the oil spill of Exxon Valdez in Alaska 1989. (35) In July 1979, Forcados tank 6 Terminal in Delta state spilled 570,000 barrels of oil into the Forcados estuary and polluted the aquatic environment and surrounding swamp forest. On January 17th to January 30th 1980, about 421,000 barrels of oil was ceased by the Funiwa No.5 Well in Funiwa Field and 836 acres of mangrove forest within six miles off the shore was destroyed.
            One of the most well known cases of oil spillage in Niger Delta was the Texaco's Funiwa No.5 oil explosion which occurred on 17 January 1980. The spillage continued for thirteen days and ended up in January 30th. About 421,000 barrels of oil was ceased and the accident devastated everything in the path of the inferno. Sagama River was fouled excessively, with is marine life destroyed and 836 acres of mangrove forest within six miles off the shore was destroyed. (36) Four villages became uninhabitable and the inhabitants had to rely on relief food and water provided by the Nigerian national Petroleum Company (NNPC) (37)

Forcados estuary July 1979 570,000 barrels Polluted estuary, aquatic environment and surrounding swamp forest
Funiwa No.5 Well January 1980 421,000 bbl 836 acres of mangrove forest destroyed
Oshika village August 1983 5000 bbl Mortality in embryonic shrimp and reduced reproduction
Ogada-Brass pipeline February 1995 24000 bbl


            The major oil spills in Niger Delta region is indicated in the table above. It has to be considered that the majority of oil spills in Niger Delta are considered minor and not reported.
            Oil spills has been also considered as a major political problem since there have been many attempts to get the oil illegally by leaking the pipes. The government and some oil companies often contend that oil spillage is the result of sabotage by local communities for obtaining petroleum products and monetary compensation.
            According to the interview with the Ogoni chief in 2011, the chief admitted that some oil spills have certainly been the result of bunkering by youths hoping to get cash on the region's natural asset.
            "It was the negligence of Shell which compelled people to steal ... When livelihoods are destroyed, the youth go to places where they learn how to bunker. They are desperate. They learned from others to steal. It has been to survive" - Groobadi Petta, the president of the Bodo city youth federation (39)
            As the comment of Groobadi Petta suggests, the villagers of Niger Delta has stolen the oil in order to survive. While the spillage is also the consequences of negligence of Shell, the federal government has been claimed that Shell is only responsible to 2 percent of Oil spillage in Niger Delta.
            However, many claim that the spillage is mostly from the weak pipelines since the Nigerian laws forbid the compensation of oil spills caused by sabotage - so there is no reason for Niger Delta people to habitually threaten their own life, destroying ecosystem they depend on - and many of the pipelines and valves are old and fragile to such leakage. Also, the major oil company in Nigeria, Shell, has been spilling oil and the community has continuously declined the recompense money proposed by Shell, thinking that the quantity is not large enough to retrieve the significant damages from the oil spillage.
            According to Shell, the mechanical problems from old pipes or facilities are reported to be continuously decreasing. The Shell currently indicates that over the last five years, less than 30 % of the spills are due to corrosion, human error and equipment failure while the majority has been caused by theft or sabotage. (40) In 1996, Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (SPDC) claimed that more than 60 percent of oil produced in Nigeria is lost by sabotage. The percent of sabotage, according to them, is increasing - they concluded that more than 80 percent of oil spills during 1997 is due to sabotage.
            Shell claims that "sabotage is usually easy to determine, since there is evidence of cleanly drilled holes, hacksaw cuts, cutting of protective cages to open valves, etc. In the few cases where the evidence is unclear, ultrasonic soundings are taken for further clarification." (41)
            In 1996, after complaints from the public and from Friends of the Earth with the Shell's claim, the British Advertising Standards Authority examined the Shell's claim warned the Shell the proclaim to be not repeated since it did not have enough evidence. (42) The Department of Petroleum Resources indicates much less percentage of sabotage they claim that only 4 percent of all spills in Nigeria from 1976 to 1990 were result of sabotage. (43)
            Shell's continuous false claims on oil spills in Niger Delta are also being recently exposed by many international organizations. The reports from Amnesty International suggest that oil spills are blamed on local sabotage all too often. For example, one spill in Rumueke that was known as a result of sabotage by Shell was revealed to have been a result of leak in pipeline. (44) Numerous petitions protesting these false charges and Shell's false reports have been ignored. (45)
            Besides from Shell, that falsely reports spills, there are others who should be also blamed for. (46) According to a former adviser to a state petroleum minister, a lot of sabotage is committed by the chiefs who then receive compensation money from the company. However, they take the money and claim the villagers that they have not received anything. And after, villagers cause damage as the way of protest and require the money from the company. The company gives money to the chief again and the vicious cycle continues. (47)
            By Nigeria's oil legislation, the community gets no compensation at all if the oil spill is turned out to be sabotage. (48) The current system left the company's intentional misreport, ignorance of its compensation which aroused corruption of local chiefs. The government needs to reform its legislation and try its best to reduce the huge discrepancy between oil corporations and other civilian groups.

4.1.2. Gas Flares
            Natural gas is called "associated gas" since oil deposit contains both oil and natural gas and must be removed from oil before refining. (49) Gas flaring, a practice of simply burning associated gas is illegal and is only allowed in certain circumstances such as disruption to the processing system, non planned maintenance and emergency shutdowns. (50) Nigeria, which is estimated to have natural gas reserves of about 3 trillion standard cubic meters, currently flares 16 percents of the world's total associated gas and approximately 76 percent of associated gas is flared whereas only 8 percent is burned in Alberta, Canada. (51)
            In late 1999, Nigeria began to export its liquefied natural gas by undertaking Bonny Project. However, before the project, the oil company flared the gas produced during the oil expropriation. As shown in the table, Shell, Gulf, Mobil, Agip and the other companies flared around thirteen billion cubic meters of gas in 145 communities in Nigeria. Among the companies, Shell flared seven billion cubic meters of gas in that year.
            Gas flaring not only emits enormous quantity of greenhouse gasses into the atmosphere but also brings the "sauna bath" effects and makes living in near community almost impossible. But there is an alternative way; associated gas can be re injected into the earth or be used as an energy sources. While such methods are conducted in developed countries, they are not practiced in Nigeria. A Niger Delta resident said,
            "[l]ed by oil giant Shell, [oil companies] have been burning gas for decades when they could be using it to provide energy to the local population. The government must ensure that oil companies stop this destructive practice now." (52)
            The oil companies have flared gas continuously for nearly 50 years and left the population without electricity and crude-oil products. This statement implies that oil companies incessant flaring of gases and exploitation of the region without consideration of local populations has met with a harsh criticism.

Image 3 amounts of gas flared by major corporations (53)

Impacts of pollution

4.1.3. Impact on biodiversity
            The Niger Delta has unique and highly diverse flora and fauna incomparable to other area in Nigeria. The Niger Delta region alone holds 60 - 80 % of all Nigerian plant and animal species and 205 endemic species. (54) As the most extensive ecosystem in Africa, its biodiversity is regarded to be regional and global importance. (55) Because of its distinct aquatic faunal zones, it has some species that are still unknown to public. However, in terms of plants, the region has least plants specimen in West Africa. The mangrove forest mostly consists of red mangrove tree with stilt or prop roots. The mangrove floor remains ecologically important to smaller flora, fauna and human. (56)
            Flaring of gas has had detrimental consequences in environment as the gas contains more than 250 toxins. According to Environmental Rights Action (ERA) Nigeria and the Climate Justice Programme UK (2005), the crops located about 200 meters away from the flaring station had 100% lose, 45% loss about 600 meters away, and 10% loss in yield for crops on 1 km from the flare. The flaring of gas also yields retardation in crop development, which is manifested by the decreased leaf lengths and widths of cassava and pepper crops closer to the gas flare point. Cassava yields are higher at the location further away from the flaring point. Amount of starch and ascorbic acid in cassava decreased when the crops grow near the gas flare. High temperature is the causation of such retardation. (57)
            Oil exploration by seismic companies is mainly categorized as surveying, clearing of seismic lines, and massive dynamiting for geological excavations. The explosion of dynamite in water causes mortality of fish and other faunal organism and the burning of oil and gas pipelines in the Delta fragments ecosystems of rainforests and mangroves and segregates natural populations , which may distort breeding behavior. Oil itself also creates unfavorable conditions for life; the toxic components in crude oil cause mortality of plants and animal and oil layer on water surface prevents oxygen penetration into water body.
            There have been both governmental and non-governmental efforts to lessen the threatening of biodiversity in Niger Delta. The main governmental efforts include passing of Oil Pollution Act of 1990, and establishment of Federal Environmental Protection Agency, National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency. Oil Pollution Act of 1990 was establish to produce sufficient financial resources to clean up the spills and well adaptable federal system to manage the oil spillage. The OPA mandates tankers and inland oil facilities to develop their own response plans and stipulates national response system. Federal Environmental Protection Agency, since 1988, has issued standards for environmental qualities. In 1991, the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) issued Environmental Guidelines and Standards for the Petroleum Industry in Nigeria, similar with FEPA's regulation. The federal Ministry of Environment is also developing plans to set obligation and rules to follow for the oil companies. The provisions of the National Policy on the Environment clarifies that oil companies operating Nigeria should "adopt practicable precautions such as up-to-date equipment, to prevent pollution, and take prompts steps to control": "maintain all installations in good repair and condition in order to prevent the escape or avoidable waste of petroleum, and cause as little damage as possible to the surface of relevant area ...." : "allow local inhabitants to have access, at their own risk, to road constructed in operating areas." (58)
            The Environmental Impact Assessment Act mandates the assessment to be worked where the environmental damage will be likely to occur. The individual, as well as public sectors should give prior consideration to the environment before embarking upon a new project.

4.1.4. Socio-economic impact
            Gas flaring and leakage of oil cause not only simple environmental impact but also devastation of the inhabitants' livelihood since the Niger Delta people heavily rely on farming and fishing.
            Ken Saro-Wiwa asserted, [There has been] a disruption of normal life in the village. The people have been used to having 12 hours of day and 12 hours of night. But now, their position is worse than that of the Eskimos in the North Pole for while nature gives the Eskimos six months of daylight followed by six months of night, Shell-BP has given Dere people about ten years of continuous daylight. There are no compensations for these inconveniences and there is nothing to show that Shell-BP shields the flame from the people. (59)
            Pollution from the oil production has made inhabitants of the Niger Delta unable to carry their traditional economic activities such as fishing and farming (almost 70 percent of the population is engaged in these two activities) and caused and caused extreme poverty and violence.
            Geographically, Niger Delta is within the coastal zones that lie along the Atlantic Ocean. Since much of the area is composed of mangrove and marshland, it is susceptible to flooding with its heavy rainfall. Due to its geographical characteristics, only small fraction of the land is arable. Since Niger Delta people heavily maintain on fishing and farming with traditional methods in this unfavorable geographical condition, the community is susceptible to pollution (60).
            Traditional tools of axes, hoes and cutlasses are used to collect cassava, cocoyam, sweet potatoes, melon, rice and tree crops such as rubber and oil palm. People are also engaged in salt making by salty water and mangrove. However, this simple rural economy has greatly changed in recent time, following the pollution of the water and soil. While the food production was increasing around the world by 20th century because of Green Revolution programs launched in many countries (61), food production was decreasing in the Niger Delta.
            United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) reported on 2011 on parts of the Niger Delta (Ogoniland) stated that, "While fishing was once a prime activity in Ogoniland, it was evident from community feedback and field observations that it has essentially ceased in areas polluted by oil" (62)
            As harvest has dwindled, most of the inhabitants in Niger Delta region cannot meet their basic economic needs. Many reports, including publications from non-governmental organization and oral testimonies of the residents, and intergovernmental agencies concludes that the deprivation from disruption of farming and fishing has been a crucial cause of violence in the region (63).
            Ironically, as the most densely populated region in Nigeria, the population of Niger Delta region has been growing rapidly, 3% per year. With urbanization without economic growth, the increasing populace has devastated the ecosystem they require to sustain on (64).

4.1.5. Impact on Physical Health
            The discharge of effluents into the water sources has turned environment into harsh land for human living condition. The toxic materials such as mercury and chromium contained in the effluents accumulate the food cycle, first into fish and then to human who eat the fish. The recent studies by the environmental group Environmental Rights Action (ERA) proved that most of the underground aquifers in Niger Delta communities are heavily contaminated with dangerous metals and chemicals (65). The water and soil poisoned with heavy metals and hydrocarbons spawned various waterborne illnesses such as typhoid, diarrheal diseases and cholera while the toxic waste pits caused rising cancer rate. The stagnation of water by power supply deficiency provided strong grounds for disease-spreading mosquitoes and various waterborne diseases (66).
            Corruption, military rules and the theft of public funds have resulted in weak public health-care system (67). High user fees and low-quality including shortages of drugs, equipment and personnel of public health services, along with high poverty and unemployment rates contribute to low access to health care in Niger Delta (68).
            Epidemic of HIV/AIDS left over 3.5 million infected people without basic health treatment and the region is remained a malaria endemic region. Most Nigerians have lost faith in government- run service and often rely on traditional healers and private pharmacists.
            In the case of water, the poor construction of canals and causeways to facilitate the transportation of oils by the companies have destroyed the hydrology of the region and caused unbalance of water. Large forests have been atrophied and while some regions had frequent flood, others suffered from water deficiency. The artificial canals also let saline waters of the Atlantic into freshwater so that it decreased the amount of available drinking water ; it may affect vegetation and fauna as well (69).

5. Movement from the Niger Delta People

5.1. Twelve day revolution (1966)
            Being a leader of the student union in Nigerian National University, Adaka Boro(1938-1968) was an Ijaw born young radical nationalist. At Nigeria's independence in 1960, the injustices against the Niger Delta people urged Isaac Adaka Boro to get out of the college and take an action for his country. He was a master campaigner of resource control to champion a revolt against the oppressors of the people of the Niger Delta. In January 1966, he formed the Niger Delta Volunteer Force, an armed militia mainly with Ijaw people and proclaimed himself as a head of the Niger Delta Republic. On 23rd February, 1966, Isaac Adaka Boro landed at Tontoubau, a sacred forest in Kaiama town in the present Bayelsa state with 159 comrades and launched a guerilla war against the Federal Military Government (70). Then, he led "the twelve day revolution" by establishing "Ijaw Republic" which lasted only for 12 days by his arrest by Federal troops in Oloibiri - the site where first discovery and commercial exploitation of oil in Nigeria and where Boro faced death fighting against Biafra. Boro's troops were inspiring and his leadership further emphasized the enlightenment. Before the revolution, the Niger Delta Volunteer Force each took the oath that promises "to uphold the natural rights and integrity of the Niger Delta peoples." (71) The revolution was successful that it brought up people's consciousness toward the injustice in the system; it had brought up the Izon Nation's quest for justice in the Nigerian policy.
            Though Boro and his compatriots were jailed for treason, the federal regime of General Yakubu Gowon granted him amnesty in 1967; then, Boro was commissioned as a major in the Nigerian Army. The Twelve Day revolution is considered as a meaningful revolution since it was the founding moment of insurgency (characterized as a massive escalation in the quantity and quality of sophisticated arms operating on environment)

5.2. The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP, 1991)
            In 1990, the Ogoni adopted the Ogoni Bill of Rights which was presented to the Government of Nigeria. The Bill was signed by thirty traditional rulers and influential people of Ogoniland, representing the Ogoni people (72).
            The bill called for political autonomy of the region to participate in affairs of the Republic as a separate unit in order to expand the political rights to the Ogoni affairs: such as the right to use Ogoni economic resources for the local development, and the right to protect Ogoni environment. Within a year, the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People was formed to struggle for the objectives of the OBR.
            In 1992, MOSOP issued an addendum and made specific demands for local autonomy, compensation for pollution, reparation for unpaid royalties to the people on the Nigerian government and Shell. However, as the tension between the Nigerian military and the people continued to mount, this bill was ignored by the federal republic.
            On 4 January 1993, about 300 Ogoni people protested against the state-Shell alliance. As the protest got enormous attention from the public and the media, the Nigerian soldiers forcefully dispersed Ogoni villagers protesting against the bulldozing of the crops from the representatives of the Shell.
            Despite the severe terror unleashed by Ogoni villagers, MOSOP continued its protest and urged Shell to leave Ogoniland by May 1993 (73). However, MOSOP soon was divided by its internal conflict - one led by the President of MOSOP, Dr. Garrick Le ton who felt that the organization was too militant and unrealistic, by Saro Wiwa's personal ambition, and one led by other group who felt that MOSOP had to be radical in order to succeed.

5.3. Kaiama Declaration (1998)
            Ijaw is the fourth largest ethnic group in Nigeria, following the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo. Marginalized as the other ethnic groups in Nigeria, Ijaw was the first that experienced the agonies brought by the first exploration and production in commercial quantities in their town (Oloibiri) by Shell/BP (74).
            With enormous adverse effects on the fragile Niger Delta environment and communities, the local people have suffered from serious damage to their natural environment as well as little improvement in their standard of living. In 1998, the question of long-heard about the loss of control over resources to oil companies was raised from the Ijaw people by the Kaiama Declaration. The government troops occupied the Bayelsa and Delta states and arrested more than twenty-five and killed three protesters, firing with rifles, machine guns, and tear gas.
            Proclaimed on the 11th of December 1998, the Kaiama Declaration coined and popularized the term "resource control" and brought the topic onto the debate. After the declaration, hundreds of civil organizations proclaimed their support for the declaration. Soon, the declaration brought celebratory but violent reaction from the media and the people and many renowned national press published articles about the declaration. However, General Abdulsami Abubakar and the oil companies replied with violence and killed and arrested hundreds of Ijaw youths. A military curfew was imposed in Bayelsa and parts of Rivers and Delta States.
            The Kaiama Declaration also brought a number of other "bills of rights", "charters of demands", "Resolutions" and "Declarations", from many of Niger Delta ethnic nationalities, such as the Urhobo, Eji, Oron, Ibibio, and Ikwere.
            Ijaw youths also issued another report - "Our resources our life, 100 reasons why the jaw nation wants to control its resources" - in late 1999. In the report, Ijaws further justified their control of resources.
            In the book "Oil, Democracy and the Promise of True Federalism in Nigeria," the author identified four main reasons for the recent apostles of resource control of the political elites in Niger Delta.

1. The dominant position and view in the delta in May 1999 was resource control. To take a contrary position to the resource control may have been a political suicide.
            2. Since most of the government officials came into the office without any ideology or designed program, the resource control could readily become a platform.
            3. The issue was convenient to be used to compel the federal government to implement constitutional provisions related to devolution or allocation.
            4. They used resource control advocacy to fight against political Sharia.

5.4. Contemporary movements
            Since the rebellion of MOSOP, indigenous activities against multi-corporation oil and the militant activities of indigenous people at oil refineries and pipelines in the region have increased. For example, many foreign employees from Shell, one of the major corporations operating in the region, were attacked by outraged local people. Though such activities have worsened the governmental intervention in the area and mobilization of the Nigerian army as well as State Security Services, they have constantly brought domestic as well as foreign attention.
            In April 2006, MEND exploded bomb near oil refinery in the Niger Delta region in order to warn Chinese government and oil companies about their involvement in the illegal oil seize and investment in stolen crude oil.
            In September 2008, MEND proclaimed that their militants had launched an "oil war" throughout the whole Niger Delta region. As a result, both MEND and Nigerian Government had suffered from serious casualties. As a response to the successive bomb threat and disputes in the region, in August 2009, the Nigerian Government granted Amnesty to the militants who exchange their weapons with a presidential pardon, rehabilitation program and education.
            Now, many internationally renowned reports deal with Niger Delta issues, suggesting mitigation strategies for the region. Many international nonprofit organizations such as EU, UNEP, and UNICEF is also trying to propagate the severity of social and environmental problem of Niger Delta region and are trying to implement direct measurement for those problems.

6. Conclusion
            Niger Delta Crisis is a comprehensive problem intertwined with political corruption, ethnic and environmental problems. The crisis first stemmed from the regional-ethnic problems that caused Biafran War. By the war, the Nigerian government adopted policies and promises that primarily aim to get a full control of oil in Niger Delta region and take benefit from the oil. The problem become intensified as the Nigerian government recognizes the economic benefit of taking control of oil and starts to overly engaged in the process with Shell. Nationalization of the oil industry that permits multinational corporations in some parts has contributed to the problems since it led some process unclear and corrupt by bribery and lack of interaction between multinational corporations and local residents. These have eventually led indiscriminate exploitation of the region, continuous cases of oil spillages, environmental problems, devastation of economy, and finally, rebellion of local people. With weak legal base of resource control and the country's negligence in issues such as oil spillage and trust of Shell, the life condition of Niger Delta people is hardly expected to improve within few decades.
            To alleviate Niger Delta Crisis, first, the Nigerian government should provide the legislative basis that puts its citizen in priority. Currently, most of the rebellion is caused by the people who suffer from the loss of their lifestyle by excessive pollution that has threatened the local environment. While most of multinational corporations have excavated oil without much limitation and consideration, the government has shown no proactive measures to protect its people. After the environmental and property laws are established through transparent process, the region will regain its stability, environmental problems will be lessen, and local people will live better off by reviving the economy based on local environment.
            Furthermore, international humanitarian attention is also needed. Corrupt central government is the primary problem of this crisis. However, international organizations can help prevent the corruption spreading by supporting the local communities; for example, some chiefs intercept compensation from multinational cooperation which deserves to go to the local people who suffer directly from the crisis. By forming a committee to prevent and oversee the process, the humanitarian organization can help the local people to get the right amount of compensation and protect their right.

Notes

(1) Yale School of Management: Has Globalization Failed in Nigeria?
(2) The World Factbook: Country Comparison
(3) Environmental Conflicts: The Case of The Niger Delta
(4) Mappery: Nigeria Political Regions Map
(5) Stepping Stones Nigeria: About the Niger Delta
(6) Wikipedia Article: Niger Delta Province
(7) Image: BBC News, Q&A Nigeria elections
(8) Alemazung, p 68
(9) Ibid.
(10) On November, 1960, Nnamdi Azikiwe became the first Governor-General, a ceremonial head of the Nigeria. After Nigeria became a Federal Republic, Nnamdi Azikiwe was re-designated as President.
(11) African Outlook: Oil production, corruption, and its effects on Nigeria's post-colonial economy
(12) Major Abubakar A. Atofarati, page not identified
(13) How Genocides End: Colonial Legacy, Elite Dissension and the Making of Genocide: The Story of Biafra
(14) Historically, Igbos lived autonomously, and they were relatively free in commerce and politics, contrary to the North.
(15) Edlyne, UNESCO International
(16) The Socialist Party of Great : Nigeria, Biafra and Oil
(17) The paper "Biafra, Civil War, and Genocide" states that "The ethnic cleansing content of the conflict agrees in all ramifications with the UN Convention Article 11 definition on Genocide." And many other papers and news articles address biafran war as genocide. http://academic.mu.edu/koriehc/documents/BiafraconferenceABSTRACTS.pdf
(18) How genocide Ends: Colonial Legacy, Elite Dissension and the Making of Genocide
(19) Uche. pp. 111-135
(20) Nigerian Civil War: The Mercenaries of Biafra Time Magazine, Oct.25,1968
(21) Blogspot: Africa's Socialist Banner
(22) Guardian Africa network: Nigeria is haunted by Biafran war
(23) The Socialist Party of Great : Nigeria, Biafra and Oil
(24) Ibid.
(25) Ibeanu, p.21
(26) Uche. pp. 111-135
(27) Cabezas, Duke Space
(28) Cabezas, from abstract
(29) Obi, pp.445-446
(30) GhanaWeb: Lessons from Nigeria Oil Experience
(31) International Crisis Group, p.19
(32) Outlook: Oil production, corruption, and its effects on Nigeria's post-colonial economy
(33) Aworawo, p56
(34) Ibid.
(35) Federal Ministry of Environment Abuja, p.38
(36) Kadafa, p.41
(37) Aghalino, p.178
(38) This table is based on the data provided in Oil Exploration and Spillage in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. Department of Environmental Management, Faculty of Environmental Studies, University Putra Malaysia.)
(39) Guardian : Niger Delta villagers go to the Hague to fight against oil giant Shell
(40) Shell Nigeria: Oil Spill, last updated in 2013
(41) Human Rights Watch, interview, July 7, 1997.
(42) ASA Monthly Report, pp.40-41.
(43) Human Right's Watch, Nigeria Report, 1999
(44) Amnesty International (2005). Nigeria ten years on: Injustice and violence haunt the oil delta. Amnesty International is concerned with political prisoners. So you need to explain how come they bother dealing with oil spills. You may do so in a note. Amnesty International published the report as a part of its campaign to inform the necessity to build universal standards applicable to international companies. The report stated that "Amnesty International is calling for urgent and independent inquiries by the Nigerian Federal government into allegations that its security forces killed and injured civilians in incidents involving the Ugborodo community in Delta States."
(45) ERA/FoEN (Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth
(46) Several reports from "World News: Amnesty International Says Shell Nigeria Falsely Reports Spills", "Earth Rights International: Three updates on the fight against Shell in Nigeria" supports the claim that Shell distorted the statistics of oil spillage.
(47) Human Rights Watch: Nigeria
(48) Amnesty International : Bad Information, Oil Spill investigations in the Niger Delta
(49) Ashton, p.224.
(50) Hyne, p.625
(51) Africa News Service: Oil companies and gas flaring in Niger delta.
(52) Paula Palmer, Emergency Action: Stop Gas Flaring in Nigeria
(53) Ibeanu, p.22
(54) Ebeku, summary was used
(55) Glowka et al, pages not identified.
(56) Ugochukwu, pp.143-144
(57) GeoJournal, pp.297-305
(58) Manby, p51
(59) WASH. & LEE J. , p.21
(60) Aworawo, pp.58-59
(61) Mc Neil, p.275
(62) UNEP, 2011, p.10.
(63) Aworawo, pp.58-59
(64) Population Statistics, Nigeria
(65) Ibeanu, p.23
(66) Global Health Watch, p.175
(67) Hargreaves, S. Time to right the wrongs: Improving basic health care in Nigeria.
(68) Chukwuani, C.M, pp.182-201
(69) Ibeanu, pp.21-23
(70) Augustine A. p.265
(71) Ibid. p.376
(72) Urhobo Historical Society: Environmental Conflicts: The Case of the Nigeria
(73) http://platformlondon.org/carbonweb/documents/TheNextGulf_chap1.pdf
(74) Azaiki, p.226


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Encountered but not used
O., Victor, M., LIT verlag 2010. Anatomy of the Niger Delta Crisis: Causes, Consequences and Opportunities for Peace (Google eBook)





1st Draft . . Go to Teacher's Comment

Table of Contents


History of Niger Delta Crisis

Table of Contents

1. Introduction
2. Background
2.1. Brief history of colonial-Nigeria
Three British Protectorate (Niger Coast (Oil Rivers) Protectorate 1891-1899)
2.2. Geographical/geological characteristics of Niger Delta
2.3. General history about multinational corporation in the world
3. History and political characteristics
3.1. Postcolonial period (1960-1966)
3.2. Implications of civil war (1966-1970)
3.3. Nationalization of Industry (1970-1983)
3.4. Military rule and electoral crisis (1983-1993)
3.5. Current situation (1993-)
4. Environmental Impact of petroleum industry
4.1. Types of environmental pollution
4.1.1. Oil spills
4.1.2. Gas flares
4.1.3. Effluent and waste discharges
4.2. Impacts of the pollution
4.2.1. Adverse impacts on Biodiversity
4.2.2. Socio-economic impacts
4.2.3. Physic-health impacts
5. Movement from the Niger Delta People
5.1. Twelve Day revolution
5.2. Movement for Survival of Ogoni People
5.3. Kaiama Declaration (1998)
5.4. Contemporary issues
6. Conclusion

1. Introduction
            Blood Oil is the word that refers to petroleum from Niger Delta region in Nigeria. Nigeria, with its enormous quantity of oil, has been a place of chaos and conflict long since its independence from the Britain. It is ironic to see how the nation with huge resources and labors suffers from poverty, instability of economy, and political chaos. Nigeria has long played the central role in world market as a supplier of slaves, and other commodities that have played important role in the emergency of modernity. And now, Nigeria is the eight-largest exporter of oil in the world as well as a major supplier of the U.S market. In 2008, the country maintained 83 billion dollars in oil and gas revenues (1). However, it is ranked 211th in average lifetime among 223 countries registered (2).
            Political corruption, collapse of basic economy, and unscrupulous foreign company all attribute to the problems that Nigeria suffers. But the center of the problem lays the most important yet difficult problem called Niger Delta Crisis. The most comprehensive conflict, perhaps the combination of all problems in Nigeria, Niger Delta Crisis reflects the country's political corruption, ethnic problems, foreign dependency, and environmental problems. As the Environment and Conflicts Project (ENCOP) posits that "environmental conflicts manifest themselves as political, social, economic, religious or territorial conflicts, or conflicts over resources or national interests, or any other type of conflict," Niger Delta Crisis can be classified as environmental conflict (3).
            Then, who should we blame for such intertwined problems? Where did the problem start and how should we solve the problem to make peaceful Nigeria? This paper tries to take a deep look at Niger Delta Crisis in mainly three points - History and political characteristics, environmental impact of the crisis and finally, the movement of Niger Delta People. Throughout the paper, these questions will be reexamined by analyzing the position of government, oil corporation, and Niger Delta People.

2. Background
            2.1. Brief History of Colonial Nigeria
            2.2. Geographical/geological characteristics of Niger Delta
            Sometimes called Oil Rivers, Niger Delta is the delta of the Niger River in Nigeria that makes up 7.5% of Nigeria's land mass. The area was the British Oil Rivers Protectorate from 1885 to 1893. The region includes Bayelsa, Delta, and River States; in 2000, the regime also included Bini, Efik, Ibibio, Annang, Oron, Ijw, Itsekiri, Isoko, Urhobo, Ukwuani, and Kalabari.

Image 1 Nigerian States


            Among three types of vegetation that comprise Nigeria- forests, savannahs and montane land, Niger Delta has forest- rain forest and mangrove. Niger Delta was once home to diverse native animals and plant species, most of which are now destroyed with heavy ecological damages (4).
            Geologically, Niger Delta is one of the world's largest Tertiary delta systems. Niger Delta has plentiful oil fields, with 574 fields discovered, 481 oil and 93 natural gas fields. According to US Geology Survey, future discovered oil is estimated to be 40 billion barrels, putting Niger Delta as the twelfth largest in the world (5).

2.3. General History of multinational corporation in the world


3.1. Post Colonial Nigeria
            After Nigeria got independence in October 1, 1960 with a federal system, the country faced the instability of both ethnic and identity problems. Nigeria was divided into unequal regions, with the population and the size of north exceeds those of east and west. Also, the major three ethnicities were dominating the three regions respectively and the minority ethnics were only comprised of one third of population in each region. Therefore, the tension among the regions and ethnicity was rampant.
            Its tension was exacerbated by the end of the British colonial rules. According to Sami Amadi (2007), whereas the bill of rights was introduced into the country after independence and "proclaimed citizenship rights for every Nigerian, the colonial laws that regionalized and ethnicized access to privileges and rights remained effective." The confusion in the standard of ruling became major problem even after independence in most parts of Africa (6). Such ethnic and identity problems were also reflected in politics. After the independence, Nnamdi Azikwe became Nigeria's first president in 1963 but was overthrown by a military coup after three years. The first military coup was ousted by another military coup within two years.
            The national instability explains the reason that hindered Nigeria's economic development as an oil producer. Originally, Nigeria was perceived as production and exports that the infrastructure built in Nigeria were mainly for transportation. Thus, in 1938, when oil became a staple in Nigerian economy through a joint venture between royal Dutch shell and British petroleum, the infrastructure for exporting the goods were used. Nigeria's tremendous supply of oil, along with strong transportation infrastructure was the opportunity for Nigeria to supply oil throughout the globe. However, its constant alteration between elected president and military coup and military president begun in 1960 has brought rampant corruption, an impediment to the development of the country. The shortsighted Nigerian government also switched its industry completely from the agricultural based to heavy industry. Thus, Nigeria, agricultural technology became antiquated, people moved from rural to urban areas, and the basic economy collapsed and caused widespread poverty.
            With such political uncertainly - people didn't know when the regime will finish and be replaced - the government offices were just busy taking their profit without consideration of the country's future (7). These traits were reflected in policy making, and caused weak Nigerian economy.

3.2. Biafran Wars
            "The Nigeria civil war broke out on 6 July 1967. The war was the culmination of an uneasy peace and stability that had plagued the nation since independence in 1960. This situation had its genesis in the geography, culture and demography of Nigeria." - Major Abubakar A Atofarati (8)
            The Biafran war was the result of combination of the Igbo's resistance against the Nigerian federal government and the conflicts associated with petroleum rents among three regions-North, East, and West. Violence against Ibos occurred as early as 1945 as a form of group-targeted violence and became apparent in 1966. During the three genocidal attacks from May 29 to September 29, 1966, about 30,000 Ibos were indiscriminately killed, which, according to many evidences, was coordinated by highly placed northern politicians also with some federal government officers. The instigation of violence against Ibos stemmed from government officers who highly complained about Ibo's dominance of commerce in the north.
            Besides from regional and ethnic problems, oil is suggested another for the break of the war. Petro-politics immediately after independence brought the question of petroleum rents between the federal and the regional governments. The Revenue Allocation Report, which recommended Nigerian industry to relocate the half of the profit to the regions by derivation, caused enormous wealth to the regional governments, particularly the Eastern regional government. This allocation brought complains from the federal government, which were mainly in the North of the country. The process of the war is as follows. On the eve of the civil war (1967), Yakubu Gowon, the leader of the federal military government, changed the administrative structures of the country and divided the country into twelve States from four Regions. Immediately after creation of the twelve States, the Eastern Region, predominantly composed of Igbo ethnicity and led by Colonel Ojukwu, an educated Oxford man, declared itself the State of Biafra on May 30. First, the Biafran army seized the whole oil rich Biafra to the west, but in return, Nigerian federal troops had attacked and slowly retook the region town by town within about 24 months. The war resulted in killing of 2 million innocent Nigerian and the reinforcement of Gowon regime as the military dictatorship supported by the capitalists backers such as Britain and US. The war also brought marginalization, nepotism, and tribalism (9).
            To understand the war in line with oil crisis, we can focus on two vital factors of the war: excessive genocide of the federal government, and foreign support of the war.
            Even during the war, the merciless genocide continued; many foreign journalists reported that federal government cruelly attacked and killed Ibos although the government completely overran the war. Many documented testimonies of victims and observers show cruelty and barbarism of the Nigerian soldiers which naturally lead us to think about the genocidal motivation. According to Dr. Mensah, a leader of the Investigators of the International Commission of Jurists, two witnesses proved about mass graves where Biafrans were buried alive with some sucklings and "the cries and wailing of the sick, the wounded and the babies could be heard from a long distance away." (10)
            Meanwhile the federal government was strongly supported by the Britain. The evidence mainly collected from the Public Records Office (National Archive) in London suggests that protecting the investment of Shell-BP in Nigerian oil had played much important role in the British attempts to support one Nigeria. Since Shell/BP (Anglo-Dutch consortium) was the biggest exploiter of Nigerian oil and held the major concessions for oil in both the Biafran and Niger delta region where oil had recently begun to be pumped, the Britain actively supported the Nigerian Federal Troops (11).
            While the Biafran army fought against Britain, United States and Nigerian Federal Troops, it was supported by some mercenary military officers from Ireland, France, and Germany and countries such as France, South Africa, and Israel (12). Especially, France actively supported Biafran through aid using its colonized nations neighboring Nigeria. As to France, since super imperialists lost their super power to control the Biafran oil, it had been planning to expand their oil concession in the name of the state-owned company, ELF and formed direct rivalry with Shell/BP. The French President, General Charles De Gaulle never formally recognized Biafra, he did support Biafra's "right to self-determination" and gave aid to Biafran through the French colonized states such as Ivory Coast, Cameroon and Gabon.
            On January 14th, 1970, Biafra formally relinquished and Gowon declared the end of the war. The war ended with Biafran lost, the Igbos reintegrated into Nigeria. However, the violence against Biafran continued; the government policy removed the saving of every Biafran who had managed their bank accounts during the war (13).
            After the genocide, both sides had suffered severe losses and part of the country had been devastated. And According to Cebiloan Hyacint, from British Socialist Party, Biafran war has been at the advantage of capitalism along most of the wars that broke such as Liberaian war, Sierra Leone war, Congo war and Afghanistan war. Thanks to Gowon, imperialism had established a number of new oil terminals and ensured stability of oil profits, just for the government and oil corporations. However, the mistrust built up from the war had gradually destroyed the unity of Nigeria and Biafrans were severely criticized by Gowon and his imperialist backers (14).
            While oil had only played a subsidiary role in the outbreak of the civil war, it is claimed to have more direct role in determining the course and result of the war (15). It has moved British to support the Federal Nigeria for the sake of protecting its oil enterprises, and France to support Biafra to stand against its one of the strongest imperialist competitor, Britain. Also, the federal government's merciless genocide, caused by Igbo's dominance of commerce mainly from oil, reflects how oil led the war.
            Though the war had ended over 35 year ago, the oil still remains as a divisive factor in the country, driving it far from national unity or economic growth. The intricate political and social problems related to oil made it neglect the other productive sectors of the Nigerian economy and shifted the attention from economic production to political control (16).

3.3. Nationalization of Oil
            According to Cabezas, nationalization is "a particular type of organizational structure where the state or nation controls the industry as opposed to private companies or multinational organization." Nationalization could also represented by joint ventures the form which the state controls the industry but private companies participate in resource extraction and retain some of the profit. The components such as civil society, regionalism, and reliance on oil contribute to the efficiency of a nationalized industry. The paper had also found out that the high reliance on nationalized resource with weak financial institutions have an authoritarian form of government (17).
            Nigerian nationalization was also operated as a joint venture system with multinational corporation, mainly BP/Shell. However, as the corporations continued invest in Nigeria, they had more political power. In Journal of Contemporary African Studies, Obi states
            "At the core of the global political economy of the oil industry lie the oil MNC's that control the complex integrated operations of the industry on a global scale. They are collectively the world's wealthiest and most powerful corporations. Oil MNC's are much richer than the individual petro-states with which they do business. Such states are not accountable to their citizens as they live off external oil rents, while the companies are not accountable to the citizens of the countries that they do business with. As such it is often easy for the transnational partners to collude and unleash violence when their interests in oil extraction are threatened." (18)
            After the government experienced ceased supply of oil through Biafra war, in 1971, it created the Nigerian National Oil Corporation (NNOC) and nationalized the oil industry. Nationalizing the oil industry also reflected the government's ambition to satisfy membership requirement the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) (19). According to International Crisis Group's report of Nigeria, while oil production has taken place by joint ventures with foreign oil companies, NNOC always had majority of the profit (20).
            While most of the profits were controlled by NNOC, the multinational corporation continuously supported the Nigerian government, thus its power far surpassing that of the Nigerian people; while infrastructure for the advancement of Nigerian people and economy were lacked, infrastructure for oil production and transportation were constantly built. Corruption and misappropriation within the government became epidemic in the 1970's, and brought a policy called "indigenization" in 1972. As a result, the Nigerian businessman with ability to buy out foreign competition highly benefited from the economy. Since only handful of companies could manage oil industry, corruption increased (21).

4. Environmental Impact of petroleum industry
            4.1. Types of environmental pollution
            After the installation of industrial establishments and beginning of oil exploration, extensive environmental pollution began to take place. Such oil production constantly developed and by the 1980s, the environmental degradation in the Niger Delta had reached the level of crisis (22). Most multinational oil companies in the Niger Delta have neglected the environment for nearly forty years and negatively affected the rural economic activities of the people (23). Therefore, issues related to environmental damage should be closely investigated in order to maintain peace in the area.

4.1.1. Oil spills
            For the past 50 years, around 1.5 million tons of oil has been spilled into the Niger Delta. This is about 50 times of the oil spill of Exxon Valdez in Alaska 1989 (24).
            In July 1979, Forcados tank 6 Terminal in Delta state incidence spilled 570,000 barrels of oil into the Forcados estuary and polluted the aquatic environment and surrounding swamp forest. On January 17th to January 30th 1980, about 421,000 barrels of oil was ceased by the Funiwa No.5 Well in Funiwa Field and 836 acres of mangrove forest within six miles off the shore was destroyed.
            One of the most well known cases of oil spillage in Niger Delta was the Texaco's Funiwa No.5 oil explosion which occurred on 17 January 1980. The spillage continued for thirteen days and ended up in January 30th bursting into flames. About 421,000 barrels of oil was ceased and devastated everything in the path of the inferno. Sagama River was fouled excessively, with is marine life destroyed and 836 acres of mangrove forest within six miles off the shore was destroyed (25). Four villages became uninhabitable and the inhabitants had to rely on relief food and water provided by the Nigerian national Petroleum Company (NNPC) (26)

            Forcados estuary July 1979 570,000barrels Polluted estuary, aquatic environment and surrounding swamp forest
            Funiwa No.5 Well January 1980 421,000bbl 836 acres of mangrove forest destroyed
            Oshika village August 1983 5000bbl Mortality in embryonic shrimp and reduced reproduction
            Ogada-Brass pipeline February 1995 24000bbl

            The major oil spills in Niger Delta region is indicated in the table above. It has to be considered that the majority of oil spills in Niger Delta are considered minor and not reported.
            Oil spills has been major environmental and political problems since there have been many attempts to get the oil illegally by leaking the pipes. The government and some oil companies often contend that oil spillage is the result of sabotage by local communities for obtaining petroleum products and monetary compensation.
            According to the interview with the Ogoni chief in 2011, the chiefs admitted that some oil spills have certainly been the result of bunkering by youths hoping to get cash on the region's natural asset.
"It was the negligence of Shell which compelled people to steal¡¦When livelihoods are destroyed, the youth go to places where they learn how to bunker. They are desperate. They learned from others to steal. It has been to survive" - Groobadi Petta, the president of the Bodo city youth federation (27)
            As the comment of Groobadi Petta suggests, the villagers of Niger Delta has stolen the oil in order to survive. While the spillage is also the consequences of negligence of Shell, the federal government has been claimed that Shell is only responsible to 2 percent of Oil spillage in Niger Delta.
            However, many claim that the spillage is mostly from the weak pipelines since the Nigerian laws forbid the recompense of oil spills including sabotage- so there is no reason for Niger Delta people to habitually threaten their own life, destroying ecosystem they depend on -and many of the pipelines and valves are old and fragile to such leakage. Also, the major oil company in Nigeria, Shell, has been spilling oil and the community has continuously declined the recompense money proposed by Shell, thinking that the quantity is not large enough to retrieve the significant damages from the oil spillage.
            According to Shell, the mechanical problems from old pipes or facilities are reported to be continuously decreasing. The Shell currently indicates that over the last five years, less than 30 % of the spills are due to corrosion, human error and equipment failure while the majority has been caused by theft or sabotage (28). In 1996, Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (SPDC) claimed that more than 60 percent of oil produced in Nigeria is lost by sabotage. The percent of sabotage, according to them, is increasing- they concluded that more than 80 percent of oil spills during 1997 is due to sabotage.
            Shell claims that "sabotage is usually easy to determine, since there is evidence of cleanly drilled holes, hacksaw cuts, cutting of protective cages to open valves, etc. In the few cases where the evidence is unclear, ultrasonic soundings are taken for further clarification." (29)
            In 1996, after complaints from the public and from Friends of the Earth with the Shell's claim, the British Advertising Standards Authority examined the Shell's claim warned the Shell the proclaim to be not repeated since it did not have enough evidence (30). The Department of Petroleum Resources indicates much less percentage of sabotage they claim that only 4 percent of all spills in Nigeria from 1976 to 1990 were result of sabotage.
            Shell's continuous false claims on oil spills in Niger Delta are also being recently exposed by many international organizations. The reports from Amnesty International suggest that oil spills are blamed on local sabotage all too often. For example, one spill in Rumueke that was known as a result of sabotage by Shell was revealed to have been a result of leak in pipeline (31). Numerous petitions protesting these false charges and Shell's false reports have been ignored (32).
            Besides from Shell, that continuously makes false statistics, there are others who should be also blamed for. According to a former adviser to a state petroleum minister, a lot of sabotage is committed by the chiefs who then receive compensation money from the company. However, they take the money and claim the villagers that they have not received anything. And after, villagers cause damage as the way of protest and require the money from the company. The company gives money to the chief again and the vicious cycle continues (33).
            By Nigeria's oil legislation, the community gets no compensation at all if the oil spill is turned out to be sabotage (34). The current system left the company's intentional misreport, ignorance of its compensation which aroused corruption of local chiefs. The government needs to reform its legislation and try its best to reduce the huge discrepancy between oil corporations and other civilian groups.

4.1.2. Gas Flares
            Natural gas is called "associated gas" since oil deposit contains both oil and natural gas and it must be removed from oil before refining (35). Gas flaring, a practice of simply burning associated gas is illegal and is only allowed in certain circumstances such as disruption to the processing system, non planned maintenance and emergency shutdowns (36). Nigeria, which is estimated to have natural gas reserves of about 3 trillion standard cubic meters, currently flares 16 percents of the world's total associated gas and approximately 76 percent of associated gas is flared whereas only 8 percent is burned in Alberta, Canada (37).
            In late 1999, Nigeria began to export its liquefied natural gas by undertaking Bonny Project. However, before the project, the oil company flared the gas produced during the oil expropriation. As shown in the table, Shell, Gulf, Mobil, Agip and the other companies flared around thirteen billion cubic meters of gas in 145 communities in Nigeria. Among the companies, Shell flared seven billion cubic meters of gas in that year.
            Gas flaring not only emits enormous quantity of greenhouse gasses into the atmosphere but also brings the "sauna bath" effects and makes living in near community almost impossible. But there is an alternative way; associated gas can be re injected into the earth or be used as an energy sources. While such methods are conducted in developed countries, they are not practiced in Nigeria. A Niger Delta resident said,
            "[l]ed by oil giant Shell, [oil companies] have been burning gas for decades when they could be using it to provide energy to the local population. The government must ensure that oil companies stop this destructive practice now." (38)
            The oil companies have flared gas continuously for nearly 50 years and left the population without electricity and crude-oil products. This statement implies that oil companies incessant flaring of gases and exploitation of the region without consideration of local populations has met with a harsh criticism.

Image 2 amounts of gas flared by major corporations



4.2. Impacts of pollution
            4.2.1. Impact on biodiversity
            The Niger Delta has unique and highly diverse flora and fauna incomparable to other area in Nigeria. The Niger Delta region alone holds 60 -80 % of all Nigerian plant and animal species and 205 endemic species (39). The biodiversity of Niger Delta transcends national importance, as the most extensive ecosystem in Africa, its biodiversity is regarded to be regional and global importance (40). Because its distinct aquatic faunal zones, it has some new species and some are still unknown. However, in terms of plants, the region has least plants specimen in West Africa. The mangrove forest mostly consists of red mangrove tree with stilt or prop roots. The mangrove floor remains ecologically important to smaller flora, fauna and human (41).
            Flaring of gas has had detrimental consequences in environment as it contains more than 250 toxins. According to Environmental Rights Action (ERA) Nigeria and the Climate Justice Programme UK (2005), the crops located about 200 meters away from the flaring station had 100% lose, 45% loss about 600 meters away, and 10% loss in yield for crops on 1 km from the flare. The flaring of gas also yields retardation in crop development, which is manifested by the decreased leaf lengths and widths of cassava and pepper crops closer to the gas flare point. Cassava yields are higher at the location further away from the flaring point. Amount of starch and ascorbic acid in cassava decreased when the crops grow near the gas flare. High temperature is the causation of such retardation (42).
            Oil exploration by seismic companies is mainly categorized as surveying, clearing of seismic lines, and massive dynamiting for geological excavations. The explosion of dynamite in water causes mortality of fish and other faunal organism and the burning of oil and gas pipelines in the Delta fragments ecosystems of rainforests and mangroves and segregates natural populations , which may distort breeding behavior. Oil itself also creates unfavorable conditions for life; the toxic components in crude oil cause mortality of plants and animal and oil layer on water surface prevents oxygen penetration into water body.
            There have been both governmental and non-governmental efforts to lessen the threatening of biodiversity in Niger Delta. The main governmental efforts include Oil Pollution Act of 1990, Federal Environmental Protection Agency, National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency. Oil Pollution Act of 1990 was establish to produce sufficient financial resources to clean up the spills and well adaptable federal system to manage the oil spillage. The OPA mandates tankers and inland oil facilities to develop their own response plans and stipulates national response system. Federal Environmental Protection Agency, since 1988, has issued standards for environmental qualities. In 1991, the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) issued Environmental Guidelines and Standards for the Petroleum Industry in Nigeria, similar with FEPA's regulation. The federal Ministry of Environment is also developing plans to set obligation and rules to follow for the oil companies. The provisions of the National Policy on the Environment clarifies that oil companies operating Nigeria should "adopt practicable precautions such as up-to-date equipment, to prevent pollution, and take prompts steps to control": "maintain all installations in good repair and condition in order to prevent the escape or avoidable waste of petroleum, and cause as little damage as possible to the surface of relevant area ...": "allow local inhabitants to have access, at their own risk, to road constructed in operating areas."
            The Environmental Impact Assessment Act mandates the assessment to be worked where the environmental damage will be likely to occur. The individual, as well as public sectors should give prior consideration to the environment before embarking upon a new project.

4.2.2. Socio-economic impact
            Gas flaring and leakage of oil cause not only simple environmental impact but also devastation of the inhabitants' livelihood since the Niger Delta people heavily rely on farming and fishing. Ken Saro-Wiwa asserted (43),
            [There has been] a disruption of normal life in the village. The people have been used to having 12 hours of day and 12 hours of night. But now, their position is worse than that of the Eskimos in the North Pole for while nature gives the Eskimos six months of daylight followed by six months of night, Shell-BP has given Dere people about ten years of continuous daylight. There are no compensations for these inconveniences and there is nothing to show that Shell-BP shields the flame from the people.
            The pollution from the oil production has made inhabitants of the Niger Delta unable to carry their traditional economic activities such as fishing and farming (almost 70 percent of the population is engaged in these two activities). The polluted local land and river systems has made any traditional practice unavailable and caused extreme poverty and violence.
            Geographically, Niger Delta is within the coastal zones that lie along the Atlantic Ocean. Since much of the area is composed of mangrove and marshland, it is susceptible to flooding with its heavy rainfall. Due to its geographical characteristics, only small fraction of the land is arable. Since Niger Delta people heavily maintain on fishing and farming with traditional methods in this unfavorable geographical condition, the community is susceptible to pollution (44).
            Traditional tools of axes, hoes and cutlasses are used to collect cassava, cocoyam, sweet potatoes, melon, rice and tree crops such as rubber and oil palm. People are also engaged in salt making by salty water and mangrove. However, this simple rural economy has greatly changed in recent time, following the pollution of the water and soil. While the food production was increasing around the world by20th century because of Green Revolution programs launched in many countries (45), food production was decreasing in the Niger Delta.
            United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) reported on 2011 on parts of the Niger Delta (Ogoniland) stated that, "While fishing was once a prime activity in Ogoniland, it was evident from community feedback and field observations that it has essentially ceased in areas polluted by oil" (UNEP, 2011, p. 10).
            As harvest has dwindled, most of the inhabitants in Niger Delta region cannot meet their basic economic needs. Many reports, including publications from non-governmental organization and oral testimonies of the residents, and intergovernmental agencies concludes that the deprivation from disruption of farming and fishing has been a crucial cause of violence in the region. It is noteworthy that the trend of deprivation (46).

4.2.3. Physic-health impact
            The discharge of effluents into the water sources has turned environment into harsh land for human living condition. The toxic materials such as mercury and chromium contained in the effluents accumulate the food cycle, first into fish and then to human who eat the fish. The recent studies by the environmental group Environmental Rights Action (ERA) proved that most of the underground aquifers in Niger Delta communities are heavily contaminated with dangerous metals and chemicals (47). The water and soil poisoned with heavy metals and hydrocarbons spawned various waterborne illnesses such as typhoid, diarrheal diseases and cholera while the toxic waste pits caused rising cancer rate. The stagnation of water by power supply deficiency provided strong grounds for disease-spreading mosquitoes and various waterborne diseases (48).
            Corruption, military rules and the theft of public funds have resulted in weak public health-care system (49). High user fees and low-quality including shortages of drugs, equipment and personnel of public health services, along with high poverty and unemployment rates contribute to low access to health care in Niger Delta (50).
            Epidemic of HIV/AIDS left over 3.5 million infected people without basic health treatment and the region is remained a malaria endemic region. Most Nigerians have lost faith in government- run service and often rely on traditional healers and private pharmacists.
            In the case of water, the poor construction of canals and causeways to facilitate the transportation of oils by the companies have destroyed the hydrology of the region and caused unbalance of water. Large forests have been atrophied and while some regions had frequent flood, others suffered from water deficiency. The artificial canals also let saline waters of the Atlantic into freshwater so that it decreased the available drinking water and killed many species of animals, plants, and fish (51).

5. Movement from the Niger Delta People
            5.1. Twelve day revolution (1966)
            Being a leader of the student union in Nigerian National University, Adaka Boro was an Ijaw born young radical nationalist. At Nigeria's independence in 1960, the injustices against the Niger Delta people urged Isaac Adaka Boro to get out of the college and take an action for his country. He was a master campaigner of resource control to champion a revolt against the oppressors of the people of the Niger Delta. In January 1966, he formed the Niger Delta Volunteer Force, an armed militia mainly with Ijaw people and proclaimed himself as a head of the Niger Delta Republic. On 23rd February, 1966, Isaac Adaka Boro landed at Tontoubau, a sacred forest in Kaiama town in the present Bayelsa state with 159 comrades and launched a guerilla war against the Federal Military Government (52). Then, he led "the twelve day revolution" by establishing "Ijaw Republic" which lasted only for 12 days by his arrest by Federal troops in Oloibiri - the site where first discovery and commercial exploitation of oil in Nigeria and where Boro faced death fighting against Biafra. Boro's troops were inspiring and his leadership further emphasized the enlightenment. Before the revolution, the Niger Delta Volunteer Force each took the oath that promises "to uphold the natural rights and integrity of the Niger Delta peoples." The revolution was successful that it brought up people's consciousness toward the injustice in the system; it had brought up the Izon Nation's quest for justice in the Nigerian policy.
            Though Boro and his compatriots were jailed for treason, the federal regime of General Yakubu Gowon granted him amnesty in 1967; then, Boro was commissioned as a major in the Nigerian Army. The Twelve Day revolution was meaningful since it was the founding moment of insurgency (characterized as a massive escalation in the quantity and quality of sophisticated arms operating on environment)

5.2. The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP, 1991)
            In 1990, the Ogoni adopted the Ogoni Bill of Rights which was presented to the Government of Nigeria. The Bill was signed by thirty traditional rulers and influential people of Ogoniland, representing the Ogoni people (53).
            The bill called for political autonomy of the region to participate in affairs of the Republic as a separate unit in order to expand the political rights to the Ogoni affairs: such as the right to use Ogoni economic resources for the local development, and the right to protect Ogoni environment. Within a year, the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People was formed to struggle for the objectives of the OBR.
            In 1992, MOSOP issued an addendum and made specific demands for local autonomy, compensation for pollution, reparation for unpaid royalties to the people on the Nigerian government and Shell. However, as the tension between the Nigerian military and the people continued to mount, this bill was ignored by the federal republic.
            On 4 January 1993, about 300 Ogoni people protested against the state-Shell alliance. As the protest got enormous attention from the public and the media, the Nigerian soldiers forcefully dispersed Ogoni villagers protesting against the bulldozing of the crops from the representatives of the Shell. Despite the severe terror unleashed, MOSOP continued its protest and urged Shell to leave Ogoniland by May 1993. However, MOSOP soon was divided by its internal conflict- one led by the President of MOSOP, Dr. Garrick Le ton who felt that the organization was too militant and unrealistic, overwhelmed by Saro Wawa's personal ambition, and one led by other group who felt that MOSOP had to be radical in order to succeed.

5.3. Kaima Declaration (1998)
            Ijaw is the fourth largest ethnic group in Nigeria, following the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo. Marginalized as the other ethnic groups in Nigeria, Ijaw was the first that experienced the agonies brought by the first exploration and production in commercial quantities in their town (Oloibiri) by Shell/BP. (54)
            With enormous adverse effects on the fragile Niger Delta environment and communities, the local people have suffered from serious damage to their natural environment as well as little improvement in their standard of living. In 1998, the long-herd about the loss of control over resources to oil companies was raised from the Ijaw people by the Kaiama Declaration. The government troops occupied the Bayelsa and Delta states and arrested more than twenty-five and killed three protesters, firing with rifles, machine guns, and tear gas.
            Proclaimed on the 11th of December 1998, the Kaiama Declaration coined and popularized the term "resource control" and brought the topic onto the debate. After the declaration, hundreds of civil organizations proclaimed their support for the declaration. Soon, the declaration brought celebratory but violent reaction from the media and the people and many renowned national press published articles about the declaration. However, General Abdulsami Abubakar and the oil companies replied with violence and killed and arrested hundreds of Ijaw youths. A military curfew was imposed in Bayelsa and parts of Rivers and Delta States.
            The Kaiama Declaration also brought a number of other "bills of rights", "charters of demands", "Resolutions and Declarations", from many of Niger Delta ethnic nationalities, such as the Urhobo, Eji, Oron, Ibibio, and Ikwere.
            Ijaw youths also issued another report - "Our resources our life, 100 reasons why the jaw nation wants to control its resources" - in late 1999. In the report, Ijaws further justified their control of resources.
            In the book "Oil, Democracy and the Promise of True Federalism in Nigeria," the author identified four main reasons for the recent apostles of resource control of the political elites in Niger Delta.

1. The dominant position and view in the delta in May 199 was resource control. To take a contrary position may have been a political suicide.
            2. Since most of them came into the office without any ideology or designed program, the resource control could readily become a platform.
            3. The issue was convenient to be used to compel the federal government to implement constitutional provisions related to devolution or allocation.
            4. They used resource control advocacy to fight with political Sharia.

5.4. Contemporary movements
            Since the rebellion of MOSOP, indigenous activities against multi-corporation oil and the militant activities of indigenous people at oil refineries and pipelines in the region have increased. For example, many foreign employees from Shell, one of the major corporations operating in the region, were attacked by outraged local people. Though such activities have worsened the governmental intervention in the area and mobilization of the Nigerian army as well as State Security Services, they have constantly brought domestic as well as foreign attention.
            In April 2006, MEND exploded bomb near oil refinery in the Niger Delta region in order to warn Chinese expansion into the illegally seized Niger Delta region and its investment in stolen crude oil.
            In September 2008, MEND proclaimed that their militants had launched an "oil war" throughout the whole Niger Delta region. As a result, both MEND and Nigerian Government had suffered from serious casualties. As a response to the successive bomb threat and disputes in the region, in August 2009, the Nigerian Government granted Amnesty to the militants who exchange their weapons with a presidential pardon, rehabilitation program and education.
            Now, many internationally renowned reports deal with Niger Delta issues, suggesting mitigation strategies for the region. Many international nonprofit organizations such as EU, UNEP, and UNICEF is also trying to propagate the severity of social and environmental problem of Niger Delta region and are trying to implement direct measurement for those problems.

6. Conclusion

(1) Yale School of Management: Has Globalization Failed in Nigeria?
(2) The World Factbook: Country Comparison
(3) Environmental Conflicts: The Case of The Niger Delta
(4) Stepping Stones Nigeria: About the Niger Delta
(5) Wikipedia Article: Niger Delta Province
(6) Alemazung, p.68
(7) African Outlook: Oil production, corruption, and its effects on Nigeria's post-colonial economy
(8) Major Abubakar A. Atofarati, page not identified
(9) The Socialist Party of Great : Nigeria, Biafra and Oil
(10) How genocide Ends: Colonial Legacy, Elite Dissension and the Making of Genocide
(11) Uche. pp.111-135
(12) Nigerian Civil War: The Mercenaries of Biafra Time Magazine, Oct.25, 1968
(13) Guardian Africa network: Nigeria is haunted by Biafran war
(14) The Socialist Party of Great : Nigeria, Biafra and Oil
(15) Ibeanu, p.21
(16) Uche. pp.111-135
(17) Canezas, from abstract
(18) Obi, pp.445-446
(19) GhanaWeb: Lessons from Nigeria Oil Experience
(20) International Crisis Group, p.19
(21) Outlook: Oil production, corruption, and its effects on Nigeria's post-colonial economy
(22) Aworawo, p.56
(23) Ibid.
(24) Federal Ministry of Environment Abuja, p.38
(25) Kadafa, p.41
(26) Aghalino, p.178
(27) Guardian : Niger Delta villagers go to the Hague to fight against oil giant Shell
(28) Shell Nigeria: Oil Spill
(29) Human Rights Watch, interview, July 7, 1997.
(30) ASA Monthly Report, pp.40-41.
(31) Amnesty International (2005). Nigeria ten years on: Injustice and violence haunt the oil delta.
(32) ERA/FoEN (Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth
(33) Human Rights Watch: Nigeria
(34) Amnesty International : Bad Information, Oil Spill investigations in the Niger Delta
(35) Ashton, p.224.
(36) Hyne, p.625
(37) Africa News Service: Oil companies and gas flaring in Niger delta.
(38) Paula Palmer, Emergency Action: Stop Gas Flaring in Nigeria
(39) Ebeku, summary was used
(40) Glowka et al, pages not identified.
(41) Ugochukwu, pp.143-144
(42) GeoJournal, pp.297-305
(43) Wash. & Lee J., p.21
(44) Aworawo, pp.58-59
(45) Mc Neil, p.275
(46) Aworawo, pp.58-59
(47) Ibeanu, p.23
(48) Global Health Watch, p.175
(49) Hargreaves, S. Time to right the wrongs: Improving basic health care in Nigeria.
(50) Chukwuani, C.M, pp.182-201
(51) Ibeanu, pp.21-23
(52) Augustine A. p.265
(53) Urhobo Historical Society: Environmental Conflicts: The Case of the Nigeria
(54) Azaiki, p.226

Bibliography

Bibliographical sources

World History at KMLA, History of Nigeria, http://www.zum.de/whkmla/region/westafrica/xnigeria.html
Nigeria-Bibliographie, http://www.univie.ac.at/handbuch-afrika/laender/Nigeriabib.htm, Afrika-Handbuch, at University of Vienna
Nigeria- Library of Congress Country Studies Nigeria http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/nigeria/ng_bibl.html
Government Publications Relating to Africa in Microform, Government publications relating to Nigeria 1892-1960, Neville Rubin, http://www.microform.co.uk/guides/R96937.pdf
Website: Nigeria-West Africa,whkmla http://www.zum.de/whkmla/region/westafrica/xnigeria.html
Paper: The European View of West Africa and Colonialism as expressed in Historic Encyclopedias, Kim, Jiwan, 2009
Report: Assessment of Ogoniland, Executive Summary, UNEP, 2011
Report: Revenue transparency to mitigate the resource curse in the Niger Delta-Potential and reality of Niger Delta, Marie Muller, BICC, June 2010

Academic papers
History of Environment and pollutions

Aworawo, David.2008. Deprivation and Resistance: Environmental Crisis, Political Action, and Conflict Resolution in the Niger Delta since the 1980s http://www.lindenwood.edu/jigs/docs/volume4Issue2/essays/52-70.pdf
Ashton, N.J., S. Arnott and O. Douglas. 1999. The human ecosystems of the Niger delta - an ERA handbook. Environmental Rights Action, Lagos. 224pp.
Hyne, J.N. 1991. Dictionary of petroleum exploration, drilling & production. PennWell Pub.Co., Okla.
Paula Palmer, Jan. 12, 2009. Emergency Action: Stop Gas Flaring in Nigeria, http://www.foei.org/en/media/archive/2009/nigeria-to-stop-companies-flaring-gas (on file with Washington and Lee Journal of Energy, Climate, and the Environment).
Kadafa, Adati Ayuba. 2012. Oil Exploration and Spillage in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. Department of Environmental Management, Faculty of Environmental Studies, University Putra Malaysia.)
Aghalino*, S. O., Eyinla B. Oil Exploitation and Marine Pollution: Evidence from the Niger Delta, Nigeria
Ugochukwu, Collins N C, Ertel, Jurgen.2008. Negative impacts of oil exploration on biodiversity management in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria
IUCN, International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources 1992. A Guide to the Convention to the Biological Diversity, Environmental Policy and Law Paper No. 30. Gland, Switzerland: IUCN Environmental Law Centre.
A. M. Mubi , M. M. Barde and V. C. O. Eneji. 2012. Challenges to Biodiversity Conservation in Nigeria's Largest National Protected Area: Gashaka-Gumti International Crisis Group, Nigeria:Want in the midst of plenty, http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/west-africa/nigeria/Nigeria%20Want%20in%20the%20Midst%20of%20Plenty.pdf, p19

Health

Hargreaves, S. Time to right the wrongs: Improving basic health care in Nigeria. The Lancet 359: 2030-35, 2002
Ibeanu, Okechukwu. Oiling the Friction: Environmental Conflict Management in the Niger Delta, Nigeria

General history

Kamla-Raj, Samson Imasogie Omofonmwan and Lucky Osaretin Odia,2009.Oil Exploitation and Conflict in the Niger-Delta Region of Nigeria
Uche.Chibuike. Oil, British Interests And the Nigerian Civil War. Journal of African History, 2008, pp.111-135
Ibeanu, Okechukwu. Civil Society and Conflict Management in the Niger Delta, p21

Report from organizations/corporations
Environment/pollutions

Amnesty International. 2005. Nigeria ten years on: Injustice and violence haunt the oil delta. www.amnesty.org/en/report/info/AFR44/022/2005.
Ebeku, K S A 2005. Oil and the Niger Delta People in International Law. Resource Rights, Environmental and Equity Issues, OGEL Special Study Vol. 5, published in November 2005 by Oil, Gas & Energy Law Intelligence (OGEL).
ERA/FoEN (Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth) (2005). The Shell Report: Continuing abuses in Nigeria to years after Ken Saro-Wiwa. Benin City: ERA/FoEN.
Glowka et al, IUCN, International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources 1992. A Guide to the Convention to the Biological Diversity Federal Ministry of Environment Abuja, Nigerian Conservation Foundation Lagos, WWF UK and CEESP-IUCN Commission on Environmental, Economic, and Social Policy, May 31,2006. Niger Delta Resource Damage Assessment and Restoration Project.
USAID-Nigeria.2008. Nigeria Biodiversity and Tropical Forestry Assessment.
Geojournal. 2008. The effects of gas flaring on crops in the Niger Delta, Nigeria
Voies, Eferiekose Ukal,. 2011. Gas Flaring in Nigeria's Niger Delta: Failed Promises and Reviving Community 2 WASH. & LEE J. ENERGY, CLIMATE, & ENV'T 97
Journal of international and global studies David Aworawo, 2012.Deprivation and Resistance: Environmental Crisis, Political Action, and Conflict Resolution in the Niger Delta since the 1980s,
Ibeanu, Okechukwu.2000. Oiling the Friction: Environmental Conflict Management in the Niger Delta, Nigeria
Hargreaves, S. 2002. Time to right the wrongs: Improving basic health care in Nigeria.
Chukwuani, C.M., et al. 2006. A baseline survey of the primary health care system in southeastern Nigeria.

History
Saro-Wiwa, Kenule.1992. GENOCIDE IN NIGERIA: THE OGONI TRAGEDY 78
R.Boele, H. Fabig, D. Wheeler, Shell, Nigeria and the Ogoni. A study in Unsustainable development ; corporate social responsibility and 'stakeholder management' versus a rights-based approach to sustainable development, United States Institute of Peace, Special Report, Judith burdin Asuni, Blood Oil in the Niger Delta.
Nigeria for The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) June 1992.Ogoni Bill Of Rights,1990. by the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), Port Harcourt,.
Alemazung, Joy, Post-Colonial Colonialism: An Analysis of International Factors and Actors Marring African Socio-Economic and Political Development, p68 http://www.jpanafrican.com/docs/vol3no10/3.10Post-Colonial.pdf

General

Oil extraction and health in the Niger Delta, Global Health Watch, p175
Bad Information, Oil Spill investigations in the Niger Delta, Amnesty International, 2013. http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR44/028/2013/en/b0a9e2c9-9a4a-4e77-8f8c-8af41cb53102/afr440282013en.pdf
Human Rights Watch. Nigeria. http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/nigeria/Nigew991-05.htm
The Advertising Standards Authority, ASA Monthly Report, no.62 (London, July 1996), pp.40-41.
Human Rights Watch, interview, July 7, 1997.
Obi, Cyril, ¡±The Petroleum Industry: A paradox or (sp)oiler of development,¡± Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 2010, pp 445-446

Websites

Oil Spill Data. Shell-Nigeria. http://www.shell.com.ng/environment-society/environment-tpkg/oil-spills.html
The UNEP Chief Scientist Office and the Environmental Assessment of Ogoniland, Nigeria. http://www.unep.org/science/chief-scientist/Activities/DisastersandConflicts/OilPollutionintheNigerDeltaNigeria.aspx
Environmental degradation in Niger Delta. http://www.cleanthenigerdelta.org/index.php/environmentaldegradation, from Clean Niger Delta
Movement for survival of the Ogoni People; http://www.mosop.org/ogoni_bill_of_rights.html
The Adaka Boro Centre- documenting the Niger Delta Struggle, http://www.adakaboro.org/the12dayrev
The Adaka Boro Centre. http://www.adakaboro.org/about-adaka-boro
Urhobo Historical Society. Environmental Conflicts: The Case of the Niger Delta. http://www.waado.org/nigerdelta/essays/resourcecontrol/Onduku.html
Canezas, Brian F. Policy Implications of Nationalization of Oil And Natural Gas Industry in Latin America, http://dukespace.lib.duke.edu/dspace/handle/10161/290
Yale School of Management. Has Globalization Failed in Nigeria?, http://insights.som.yale.edu/insights/has-globalization-failed-nigeria
The World Factbook. Country Comparison: Life Expectancy at Birth, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2102rank.html
Ogundipe, Damola. Oil production, corruption, and its effects on Nigeria's post-colonial economy, African Outlook, http://www.africanoutlookonline.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1916%3Anigerian-oil-production-corruption-and-its-effects-on-post-colonial-economy-of-nigerian&Itemid=54
GhanaWeb: Lessons from Nigeria Oil Experience, http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/artikel.php?ID=245498
Onduku, Akpobibibo. Environmental Conflicts: The Case of the Nigeria, 2001 http://www.waado.org/nigerdelta/essays/resourcecontrol/Onduku.html
Amadi, Sam. Colonial Legacy, Elite Dissension and the Making of Genocide: The Story of Biafra. http://howgenocidesend.ssrc.org/Amadi/printable.html

Wikipedia Article: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Niger_Delta_province
Stepping Stones Nigeria: About the Niger Delta, http://www.steppingstonesnigeria.org/about-the-niger-delta.html
Environmental Conflicts: The Case of The Niger Delta, Akpobibibo Onduku, Urhobo Historical Society, http://www.waado.org/nigerdelta/essays/resourcecontrol/Onduku.html
Hyacint.Cebiloan,Nigeria, Biafra and Oil, The Socialist Party of Great Britain http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/socialist-standard/2000s/2008/no-1246-june-2008/nigeriabiafra-and-oil

News/Megazines
Niger Delta Pollution: Fishermen at risk amidst the oil, BBC NEWS Africa. 2013. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-22487099
Niger Delta villagers go to the Hague to fight against oil giant Shell .2011.the guardian. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/aug/06/shell-oil-spills-niger-delta-pollution
Nigeria: Shell workers 'blocked' by protesters, BBC news, 13 January, 2000
Tuesday, April 3, 2012, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/596712.stm
Biafra War, globalsecurity, http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/biafra.htm
Africa News Service. 2003. Oil companies and gas flaring in Niger delta. October 14, 2003.
Civil War: The Mercenaries of Biafra Time Magazine, Oct.25,1968https://beegeagle.wordpress.com/2010/06/30/nigerian-civil-warthe-mercenaries-of-biafra/
Nigeria is haunted by Biafran war, Guardian Africa network, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/oct/10/chinua-achebe-biafra-review

Books
Anokar, Nimbari .1986. From the echoes of the poisoned wall
Rasheed N., Adul. Nigerian inheritance: a history of the Ogoni Ogoni's agonies: Ken Saro-Wiwa and the crisis in Nigeria
Saro-Wiwa, Ken. 1992.Genocide in Nigeria: the Ogoni tragedy
Nigeria Federal inland Service. 2012. A Comprehensive Tax History of Nigeria
O., Victor, M., LIT verlag 2010. Anatomy of the Niger Delta Crisis: Causes, Consequences and Opportunities for Peace (Google eBook)
Mc Neil, Something New under the Sun: An Environmental History of the 20th Century World, 2000, p. 275
Augustine A. Ikein, Diepreye S. P.. Alamieyeseigha, Steve S. Azaiki. 2008. Oil, Democracy, and the Promise of True Federalism in Nigeria
G.,Suman, O.,Tope. 2007.The cultures of Economic Migration: international Perspectives
Omeje, Kenneth.2008. Extractive Economies and Conflicts in the Global South: Multi-Regional Perspectives on Rentier Politics,

Encountered but not used
O., Victor, M., LIT verlag 2010. Anatomy of the Niger Delta Crisis: Causes, Consequences and Opportunities for Peace (Google eBook)





Table of Contents, 1st Draft . . Go to Teacher's Comment

1. Introduction
2. Background
2.1. Brief history of postcolonial-Nigeria
2.2. Geographical/geological characteristics of Niger Delta
2.3. General history about multinational corporation in the world
3. History and political characteristics
3.1. Postcolonial period (1800-1960s)
3.2. Implications of civil war (1966-1970)
3.3. Nationalization of Industry (1970-1983)
3.4. Military rule and electoral crisis (1983-1993)
3.5. Current situation (1993-)
4. Environmental Impact of petroleum industry
4.1. Types of environmental pollution
4.1.1. Oil spills
4.1.2. Gas flares
4.1.3. Effluent and waste discharges
4.2. Impacts of the pollution
4.2.1. Adverse impacts on Biodiversity
4.2.2. Socio-economic impacts
4.2.3. Physic-health impacts
5. Movement from the Niger Delta People
5.1. Twelve Day revolution
5.2. Movement for Survival of Ogoni People
5.3. Kaiama Declaration (1998)
5.4. Contemporary issues
6. Conclusion



Chapter 5, 1st Draft . . Go to Teacher's Comment

5. Movement from the Niger Delta People
5.1. Twelve day revolution (1966)
Being a leader of the student union in Nigerian National University, Adaka Boro was an Ijaw born young radical nationalist. At Nigeria's independence in 1960, the injustices against the Niger Delta people urged Isaac Adaka Boro to get out of the college and take an action for his country. He was a master campaigner of resource control to champion a revolt against the oppressors of the people of the Niger Delta. In January 1966, he formed the Niger Delta Volunteer Force, an armed militia mainly with Ijaw people and proclaimed himself as a head of the Niger Delta Republic. On 23rd February, 1966, Isaac Adaka Boro landed at Tontoubau, a sacred forest in Kaiama town in the present Bayelsa state with 159 comrades and launched a guerilla war against the Federal Military Government. Then, he led "the twelve day revolution" which ended 12 days later. Boro's troops were inspiring and his leadership further emphasized the enlightenment. Before the revolution, the Niger Delta Volunteer Force each took the oath that promises "to uphold the natural rights and integrity of the Niger Delta peoples." The revolution was successful that it brought up people's consciousness toward the injustice in the system; it had brought up the Izon Nation's quest for justice in the Nigerian policy.
Though Boro and his compatriots were jailed for treason, the federal regime of General Yakubu Gowon granted him amnesty in 1967; then, Boro was commissioned as a major in the Nigerian Army.

5.2. The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP, 1991)
In 1990, the Ogoni adopted the Ogoni Bill of Rights which was presented to the Government of Nigeria. The bill called for political autonomy of the region to participate in affairs of the Republic as a separate unit in order to expand the political rights to the Ogoni affairs: such as the right to use Ogoni economic resources for the local development, and the right to protect Ogoni environment. Within a year, the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People was formed to struggle for the objectives of the OBR.
In 1992, MOSOP issued an addendum and made specific demands for local autonomy, compensation for pollution, reparation for unpaid royalties to the people on the Nigerian government and Shell. However, as the tension between the Nigerian military and the people continued to mount, this bill was ignored by the federal republic.
On 4 January 1993, about 300 Ogoni people protested against the state-Shell alliance. As the protest got enormous attention from the public and the media, the Nigerian soldiers forcefully dispersed Ogoni villagers protesting against the bulldozing of the crops from the representatives of the Shell. Despite the severe terror unleashed, MOSOP continued its protest and urged Shell to leave Ogoniland by May 1993. However, MOSOP soon was divided by its internal conflict- one led by the President of MOSOP, Dr. Garrick Leton who felt that the organization was too militant and unrealistic, overwhelmed by Saro Wawa's personal ambition, and one led by other group who felt that MOSOP had to be radical in order to succeed.

5.3. Kaima Declaration (1998)
With enormous adverse effects on the fragile Niger Delta environment and communities, the local people have suffered from serious damage to their natural environment as well as little improvement in their standard of living.
In 1998, the long-herd about the loss of control over resources to oil companies was raised from the Ijaw people by the Kaiama Declaration. The government troops occupied the Bayelsa and Delta states and arrested more than twenty-five and killed three protesters, firing with rifles, machine guns, and tear gas. Proclaimed on the 11th of December 1998, the Kaiama Declaration coined and popularized the term "resource control" and brought the topic onto the debate. After the declaration, hundreds of civil organizations proclaimed their support for the declaration. Soon, the declaration brought celebratory but violent reaction from the media and the people and many renowned national press published articles about the declaration. However, General Abdulsami Abubakar and the oil companies replied with violence and killed and arrested hundreds of Ijaw youths. A military curfew was imposed in Bayelsa and parts of Rivers and Delta States.
The Kaiama Declaration also brought a number of other "bills of rights", "charters of demands", "Resolutions" and Declarations", from many of Niger Delta ethnic nationalities, such as the Urhobo, Eji, Oron, Ibibio, and Ikwere.
Ijaw youths also issued another report - "Our resources our life, 100 reasons why the jaw nation wants to control its resources¡±- in late 1999. In the report, Ijaws further justified their control of resources.
In the book "Oil, Democracy and the Promise of True Federalism in Nigeria," the author identified four main reasons for the recent apostles of resource control of the political elites in Niger Delta.
1. The dominant position and view in the delta in May 199 was resource control. To take a contrary position may have been a political suicide.
2. Since most of them came into the office without any ideology or designed program, the resource control could readily become a platform.
3. The issue was convenient to be used to compel the federal government to implement constitutional provisions related to devolution or allocation.
4. They used resource control advocacy to fight with political Sharia.

5.4. Contemporary movements
Since the rebellion of MOSOP, indigenous activities against multi-corporation oil and the militant activities of indigenous people at oil refineries and pipelines in the region have increased. For example, many foreign employees from Shell, one of the major corporations operating in the region, were attacked by outraged local people. Though such activities have worsened the governmental intervention in the area and mobilization of the Nigerian army as well as State Security Services, they have constantly brought domestic as well as foreign attention.
In April 2006, MEND exploded bomb near oil refinery in the Niger Delta region in order to warn Chinese expansion into the illegally seized Niger Delta region and its investment in stolen crude oil.
In September 2008, MEND proclaimed that their militants had launched an "oil war" throughout the whole Niger Delta region. As a result, both MEND and Nigerian Government had suffered from serious casualties. As a response to the successive bomb threat and disputes in the region, in August 2009, the Nigerian Government granted Amnesty to the militants who exchange their weapons with a presidential pardon, rehabilitation program and education.
Now, many internationally renowned reports deal with Niger Delta issues, suggesting mitigation strategies for the region. Many international nonprofit organizations such as EU, UNEP, and UNICEF is also trying to propagate the severity of social and environmental problem of Niger Delta region and are trying to implement direct measurement for those problems.



Bibliography, 1st Draft . . Go to Teacher's Comment

Book
From the echoes of the poisoned wall, x identified yet
Nigerian inheritance: a history of the Ogoni, Nimbari Anokar, 1986
Ogoni's agonies: Ken Saro-Wiwa and the crisis in Nigeria, Adul Rasheed Na'allah, 388
Genocide in Nigeria: the Ogoni tragedy, Jen Saro-Wiwa, 1992
A Comprehensive Tax History of Nigeria, Nigeria Federal inland Service, 2012
Anatomy of the Niger Delta Crisis: Causes, Consequences and Opportunities for Peace (Google eBook), Victor Ojakorotu, LIT verlag Munster, 2010
Oil, Democracy, and the Promise of True Federalism in Nigeria, Augustine A. Ikein, Diepreye S. P.. Alamieyeseigha, Steve S. Azaiki, 2008
The cultures of Economic Migration: international Perspectives, Suman Gupta, Tope Omoniyi, 2007

Paper
BACKGROUND PAPER: THE NIGER DELTA, Sofiri Peterside
Oil Exploitation and Conflict in the Niger-Delta Region of Nigeria, Kamla-Raj, Samson Imasogie Omofonmwan* and Lucky Osaretin Odia**,2009

Report
Shell, Nigeria and the Ogoni. A study in Unsustainable development ; corporate social responsibility and 'stakeholder management' versus a rights-based approach to sustainable development, Richard Boele, Heike Fabig, and David Wheeler.
United States Institute of Peace, Special Report, Judith burdin Asuni, Blood Oil in the Niger Delta.
Ogoni Bill Of Rights, 1990, by the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), Port Harcourt, Nigeria for The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) June 1992.

Website
Movement for survival of the Ogoni People; http://www.mosop.org/ogoni_bill_of_rights.html
The Adaka Boro Centre- documenting the Niger Delta Struggle, http://www.adakaboro.org/the12dayrev

News
Nigeria: Shell workers 'blocked' by protesters, BBC news, 13 January, 2000
Tuesday, April 3, 2012, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/596712.stm
Biafra War, globalsecurity, http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/biafra.htm

Bibliographical source
Website: Nigeria-West Africa,whkmla http://www.zum.de/whkmla/region/westafrica/xnigeria.html
Paper: The European View of West Africa and Colonialism as expressed in Historic Encyclopedias, Kim, Jiwan, 2009
Report: Assessment of Ogoniland, Executive Summary, UNEP, 2011
Report: Revenue transparency to mitigate the resource curse in the Niger Delta-Potential and reality of Niger Delta, Marie Muller, BICC, June 2010