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Comparative history of art patronage : Renaissance Florence and the Ottoman Empire (15th-17th century)

Korean Minjok Leadership Academy
International Program
Chu, Haena
Term Paper, AP World History Class, December 2013



I. Introduction
I.a. Art patronage
I.b. Defining patronage (etymology)
II. Renaissance Florence
II.a. Background
II.a (1) Political structure
II.a (2) Economy
II.a (3) Civic Humanism
II.a (4) The Church
II.b. Patrons
II.b (1) The Medici
II.b (2) Giovanni Rucellai
II.b (3) The church
II.c. Commissioning art
II.c (1) Patron families
II.c (2) Small-scale commissions (middle class citizens)
II.d. Relationship between patron and artist
II.e. Motive
III. Early Ottoman Empire
III.a. Background
III.a (1) Islamic tradition
III.a (2) The Ottoman Empire
III.b. Patrons
III.b (1) Mehmed II
III.b (2) Selim I
III.b (3) Suleyman(the Magnificent)
III.b (4) Merchants
III.c. Commissioning art
III.d. Relationship between patron and artist
III.e. Motive
IV. Conclusion
IV.a. Similarities
IV.b. Differences


I. Introduction

I.a. Art Patronage
            Throughout much of history, art was created within a complex dynamic of economic and political motivations that made it truly a device of communication. Whether commissioned by an individual or by the state, any building or sculpture played a role within the social life of the community. Sometimes a piece of art would convey a political idea, and other times would express the glory and dignity of a family or state. The concept of patronage demonstrates this social aspect of art production. It is sometimes imagined that patrons were motivated by pure intellectual curiosity, which cannot be completely dismissed, but commissioning art was often a luxury that would only be practiced under expectation of a tangible payoff. Patronage was essentially a strategic move that involved meticulous planning of details, every figure, color, and symbolism calculated to serve a precise impression.
            Thus the motivation of this research is to separate art from the modern point of view of aestheticism and examine its social function in the patrons' perspective. To do so, the role of patrons in the art movements of Renaissance Florence and the early Ottoman Empire will be compared and contrasted. The two states shared a similar time period, approximately from the 14th century to the 16th century, and enjoyed times of intellectual and economic prosperity that created an atmosphere supportive to cultural growth. But they developed distinctive political structure and cultural backgrounds, making not only the representations but also the need and function of art disparate. Within the particular context, several questions on the relationship between artist and patron and patron and society will be answered: what enabled patronage, what did it achieve, and what made possible the mutual interaction between artisan and patron each as substantially independent entities.
            The scope of patronage will be focused on its definition as a sustained effort to support individual or communities of artists as well as long-term projects. Individual commissions are equally significant, but a lack of remaining primary sources and their discontinuous nature make it difficult to track the motives of donors. Also, commissions in both states usually did not imply individual relationships, but involved relationship between buyer and seller. Therefore concentrating on major patrons will strengthen the causal link between their strategic needs and the aspects of finished art work; commissions in the public market will be briefly touched upon in each section to provide insight into the general social atmosphere towards art and its producers. Analysis will operate under the basic premise that commissions made under specific instructions were predominated by the empowered class, but despite the exclusiveness, examination of patronage can provide enough examples to the practical applications of art. I.b. Etymology
            The word 'patron' has been commonly used to describe a protector, or protector saint, originating from the Latin pater (father) and patronus (defender, protector) and then mutated into the old Fench patron referring to a guardian. In a secular sense it refers to "a person who gives influential support", (1) its derivative form 'patronage' being defined as "money and support that is given to an artist, organization, etc." by the Merriam-Webster dictionary. However in Italian the expression of this term is twofold; the direct translation patrocinio denotes support in a political sense, while another version, clientelismo, means to fund art and architecture. The latter is therefore more accurate in the scope of art patronage ; the term 'patronage' used within this paper is exchangeable with clientelismo. Originally, the subject of patronage is often an individual person, but considering that in reality not all patrons built personal relationship with artists, 1) continued effort to support the creation of art work which 2) is evidenced to have related to the general public and not only within a specific clique would be used as an operational definition.

II. Renaissance Florence

II.a. Background

II.a (1) Political Structure
            After the demise of Albizzi rule (1433) Florence officially became a city republic dominated by the merchant class. It was governed by the city council of 12 guilds, called the signori, and candidates for other public offices were drawn by sortition. Incumbent officers would have a secret ballot every four years, selecting the representatives of the city's six divisions. But the Medici replaced this election system with that of election committees in 1434; these committees were malleable to strategic favor and manipulation. So although Florence continued to function as a republic, power resided in the hands of a few among these guild families, creating an oligarchy.
            But smaller merchants and other citizens were systemically allowed to contribute to the state, through mediums such as the gathering in Palazzo Vecchio where 5000 guild members participated and voted in the municipal government concerning important agendas. Leonard Bruni writes "(the government) is designed for the liberty and equality of all citizens ... it is a source of our greatness ..." (2); the identity of republicanism protected by its own citizens was a source of pride for Florentines.

II.a (2) Economy
            Architectural projects and commissions could be continued due to the increase of economic transactions within Renaissance Florence. Florence emerged as a leading trade city from the 14th century, its foremost economic engine being trade and banking. The textile industry was especially prominent; by 1321 the ranking of sources of tax contributions show the wool guild to be the first. (3) Unfinished wool products from England and Iberia would be cleaned, woven, and dyed into finished cloth and then exported to other Italian cities and abroad, with the fast-flowing Arno river providing the power and water as well as an easy access to the sea.
            The establishment of the banking industries was also crucial. Banking services introduced loans, cheques, and the credit-based system, thus attracting deposits from private persons. Many banks were owned by wealthy families, who connected their firms in different cities into one network. This interconnection placed these families in an advantageous position to transfer funds and goods from one place to another. By the end of the 15th century, Florentine banking house franchises settled in major European cities including London, Geneva, and Bruges. Florin, the Florentine gold coin, became the standard coinage, evidencing the influence of this city-state.

II.a (3) Civic Humanism
            With the influx of antique manuscripts and Greco Roman culture that had been preserved within the Arab intellectual community, the shift to humanism took place in Florence as well as in large cities all over Italy. As a result, the model of a well-rounded Renaissance Man was sought after. Education stressed the study of languages (most importantly Latin and Greek) and liberal arts, that of the trivium ("the three part curriculum": grammar, logic, rhetoric) and the quadrivium (the "four part curriculum": geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, music)
            Within this context, the concept of 'donors' transformed into 'patrons', the difference being that donors are only financial supporters but patrons are passionately involved in the process of creating art and well-educated in the area. With this definition, being a patron could prove one's having artistic taste and intellectual curiosity. At the same time the artisan's status changed from that of a craftsman to an arteur. The appreciation of harmony and creativity led to the recognition of artists as a 'creator' instead of a worker who followed existing canons. Giorgio Vasari's Life of the Artist delineate this change of attitude towards artists by describing them as not only great craftsmen but 'accomplished people'. Furthermore people started to view economic activities and material wealth in a positive light, as part of viva activa, the active man of life, considered natural for the individual and necessary for the development of community. Engaging in money-earning activities was no longer a shunned act, but a legitimate one and even a cause of pride.
            Renaissance humanism in Florence not only emphasized the enhancement of the mind on an individual level, but also stressed the importance of contributing to the community. The rediscovery of the political philosophy of Polybius, Aristotle, and Cicero introduced the concept of citizenship. According to these scholars, vivere civile, or civic life, was essential in the realization of one's humanitas. (4) Combined with the republican nature of Florentine government, an ideal citizen was illustrated as someone who protected or advanced the city's glory, an image of the people's hero. As will be examined in detail in a later section, elevating the beauty of one's home city was also one of the heroic deeds; Alberti writes in De re aedificatoria, "We decorate our property as much to distinguish family and country as for any personal display, and who would deny this to be the responsibility of a good citizen ?"

II.a (4) the Church
            The Catholic Church, represented by the papacy in Rome, had lost part of its traditional power with the decline of the Middle Ages, but still held substantial power. The pope was often called upon to mediate disputes between Italian states and his decision was considered superior to that of state leaders. Sale of indulgences and gain of income from other sources provided a steady influx of revenue for the papacy, which was then invested to construction programs such as the rebuilding of St. Peter's basilica.
            Many popes during this period were from wealthy families such as the Borgia, the della Rovere, and the Medici. The College of Cardinals that elected such popes was often influenced by power dynamics between families and bribery. Many cardinal-nephews (relatives of the pope) or crown-cardinals (leaders of Catholic states in Europe) were elevated to rank through personal ties, To secure the Papal States and the authority of Rome, the popes became substantially involved in temporal matters, sometimes leading an army like pope Julius II, or representing a family as of Leo X the first Medici pope.

II.b. Patrons
            The records of patronage remain in Florentine ricordanze (daily records) and account books of banking families. These not only show trace what kind of projects were carried out and how, but also contain the patron's personal views on supporting them. Giovanni Rucellai states in his ricordanze that "There are two principal things that men do in this world. The first is to procreate and the second is to build", viewing himself an 'auctor' as directly involved in the creation of art.
            First of all the status of a patron within Renaissance Florence must be clarified. According to art historian E.H. Gombrich, the donor is transformed into a connoisseur in a mental shift that molded Giorgio Vasari's Lives of the Artists (5). Recently, R.S. Lopez pointed out that Middle Age art patronage was collective whereas in the Renaissance it involved direct relationship between donor and artist. Not surprisingly, personal records and second-hand writings observations of the patron's role illustrate their closeness with artists on both personal and strategic levels, and the patron's active involvement in the process of choosing the theme and method of work.

II.b (1) The Medici
            The Medici was a prominent Florentine banking family that managed textile trade through the guild of Arte della Lana. Its banking business contributed to the development of the accounting system for recording credits and debits. Initially from patrician origin, its influence was weaker compared to other families like the Albizzi or the Strozzi, with Salvestro and Averardo de' Medici being ostracized from politics after their involvement in the Ciompi revolt (1382). However with his establishment of the family bank and innovation concerning the proportional tax system, Giovanni de' Medici earned popularity among citizens. Pope Nicholas V appointed Cosimo de' Medici as the papal bankers as a payoff to Cosimo's lending him money without collateral, and by Piero's time franchises of the Medici family bank had anchored to major European cities.

Cosimo de Medici (1389-1464)
            Cosimo's activities as an art patron are evidenced in his letters from the Florentine archives and the Medici bank account of his time. His foremost role was setting the concept of patronage as the expression of familial and dynastic solidarity. He emphasized 'patriarchy', extending the term outside the honor of his own family and eventually becoming 'father' of 27 influential Florentine households by 1427. This patriarchal characteristic was also identified with loyalty towards the fatherland (patria).
            Not surprisingly, his first commission, San Lorenzo Chapel, commemorates the Medici lineage. It puts the family saints, Damian and Cosmas, in a far bigger significant position over traditionally powerful saints in order to advertise the family's power. The building also represented the commitment of small families (Della Stufa, Martelli, Ginori, Dietisalvi-Neroni etc.) that complied to the Medici regime ; as Villani describes, "the popolo of the quarter of San Giovanni... chose as their leaders the Medici ..." (5a) By 1442, the residents of gonfalone completely handed over the project to 'the great man Cosimo de' Medici', evidencing the family's ascending power. His construction of the Palazzo Medici (the Medici Palace) is a typical example of a family's expression of pride and wealth. Built in classical Roman style and decorated by the most renown contemporary artists, it was intended to inspire awe in visitors of the palazzo. Galeazzo Maria Sforza commented: ... "a house that is - as much in the handsomeness of the ceilings, the height of the walls, smooth finish of the entrances and windows, number of chambers and salons, elegance of the studies, worth of the books, neatness and gracefulness of the gardens, as it is in the tapestry decorations ..." (6)
            Cultural investment (in riparare/di nuovo fare) was also important. Cosimo spent approximately 600,000 gold florins to support architecture and scholarly learning of Florence, including the creation of a state-owned artifact collection from the collapsing Byzantine Empire. Treatise on Architecture (1464) by Filarete describes Cosimo as an "intellectual man interested in raising the worth of human mind" (6a).
            Numerous artists maintained personal ties with the patron Cosimo. For instance Michelozzo, responsible for the Palazzo Medici and the sculpture 'Labours of Hercules', was chosen as a companion of the Medicis when they fled to Padua to escape the plague, according to the letter of Poggio Bracciolini to Niccolo Niccoli. And in 1430 Cosimo is said to have asked Verardo de' Medici to procure a more comfortable working place for him. Fra Angelico, originally a friar at the San Marco Convent, was supported in his education as a professional artist by the Medici family. As an artist he created the famous Annunciation and the Annalena altarpiece; the Annalena altarpiece depicts the scene of sacra conversazione, but the saints are notably replaced with two doctors. Benozzo Gozzoli, painter of 'The Medici Entourage', and Brunelleschi, constructer of the Duomo, were also granted protection and continued support of their family. Cosimo also favored Donatello, whom he asked to work in the Palazzo Medici, providing him with fertile vineyard to sustain his family with after Cosimo's own death. These artists earned fame and a secure name-value that guaranteed stable economic life.

Piero de Medici (1416-1469)
            When Piero inherited the Medici bank and ran a financial scrutiny, he identified those with long standing loans which led to the bankruptcy of major Medici supporters. Within Florence he dealt with Luca Pitti's coup, and a war with the Republic of Venice abroad. Nevertheless he kept alive the family's patronage policy.
            In 1459 Piero commissioned 'Adoration of the Magi' by Gozzoli within the Palazzo Medici. The Magi's faces in the painting are substituted with those of Giovanni VIII, Giuseppe, and the young Lorenzo de' Medici to commemorate the Council of Pisa. In 'Madonna del Magnificat' by Botticelli, Piero's wife Lucrezia Tornabuoni appears as the Virgin Mary while Piero's familiy surrounds her. He was also passionate about collecting old books, adding to the Medici collection. Piero is also known to have acquired a more eclectic taste, buying Dutch and Flemish works also.

Lorenzo de Medici (1449-1492)
            Unlike Cosimo and Piero, Lorenzo has never been part of the city council (signoria), so he possessed no direct political power. However his covert influence was strong; he "... had to look official from the outside, and as if Florence was free, so operations were done covertly" (7) Raised under humanism, he was educated in liberal arts and enjoyed the apex of Medici power, being the de facto ruler of Florence.
            His method of patronage differed from that of his predecessors; instead of commissioning art work himself, he introduced artists to foreign patrons and lords as part of his diplomacy, such as when he sent da Vinci to Ludovico il Moro of Milan. This was part of his political strategy of amici degli amici (friends of friends), a network of mutual favor guaranteeing protection and even military support if necessary. It may also be conjectured that the degeneration of the Medici Bank business and extra amount of money spent on securing political power left Lorenzo less spare revenue to directly spend on patronage. However, cultural programs continued, and he sent scholars abroad to collect books with which he established the Laurenziana Library. The establishment of the Platonic Academy attracted humanists scholars like Poliziano, Pico, Ficino and others, while artists like Botticelli and Ghirlandaio were provided with personal studios and equipment in a level of personal support.
            Lorenzo is also known to have been a skilled connoisseur and artist himself. He participated as an architect in several building projects including that of the Uffizi Gallery House; King Ferdinand of Naples asked him for advice in design, evidencing the level of his professionalism.

II.b (2) Giovanni Rucellai (1403-1482)
            The Rucellai were the Medici's economic and political rivals, owning a guild of wool merchants. Giovanni Rucellai, a contemporary of Lorenzo and Piero de'Medici, was one of the students of humanism, being well read in classics. He kept a zibaldone, a diary, in which he copied his translation and commentary of passages from Greek and Latin authors Aristotle, Boethius, and Seneca. The zibaldone delineates personal interpretation of these old sources as well as reflections on his daily activities. On his support of art he writes : "I commissioned art for the honor of God and the honor of the city and the memory of me" (7a)
            For his participation in art patronage, Giovanni's pilgrimage to Rome is said to have given him architectural inspiration and devotion to Christianity. In the building of Palazzo Rucellai were employed Castagno, Filipo Lippi, Verrochio, Pollaiuolo, and Ghiberti, a horde of the most popular artists of the time. (8)

II.b (3) The Church
            Although the papacy was centered in the Papal States and Rome, it was deeply involved in secular matters throughout Italy. Specific commissions made by the church will not be mentioned as it digresses from the scope of Florence, but because much art work was done in the realm of religion, the church had influence over the artists and their patrons.
            The papacy's attitude towards Medici patronage change in accordance with the pope's political inclination. Popes like Antoninus were reluctant to support the Medici rule, and thus limited their interference in all ecclesiastical matters; it was most likely a rebuff to Cosimo's naming of his kinsmen and friends to the Florentine archbishopric. Pope Eugenius (Gabriel Condulmer) (1431-1447) on the other hand, supported Cosimo in patronage concerning churches and monasteries while he took refuge in Florence due to the threat of his political enemies. Leo X, the first Medici pope and son of Lorenzo de'Medici, was naturally embracing of art patronage in Florence. Though not in Florence. Saint Peter's Basilica was reconstructed by the selling of indulgences, a form of architectural donation concurrently encouraged in Florence as well.

II.c. Commissioning art

II.c (1) Patron families
            Apart from the major wealthy families, commissioning and supporting the construction of family chapels and public buildings by small amounts was common. Usually the total cost was divided into small portions, and the contribution would be reciprocated by the right to own or decorate a certain part of the building. However, public churches and halls were prevented from an overwhelming individual patronage. For instance the Santa Maria Fiore, built in administrative custody of the Arte della Lana guild, prohibited individual burials to secure the financial independence of the church.
            Family chapels (Cappella della famiglia) was another popular form of small-scale commission. Individuals funded frescoes and wall designs, in turn receiving a family chapel for burial. Chapels were branded different costs according to their size and location, a larger one or the one closer to the altar deserving more patronage. The first chapel of Santa Croce, for example, that commemorated Saint Francesco d'Assisi the head saint of the whole building, was commissioned by Rudolfo Bardi. The religious function of family chapels will be discussed further under the 'motive' category.

(2) Small-scale commissions
            A myriad of art guilds were responsible for art works of small, comparatively cheaper scale. Many artisan guilds worked in their own workshops, or botteghas, where devotional images and small sculptures for individual use were produced in large quantities. In 1472 54 of such workshops existed in Florence, employing 44 master gold and silversmiths and at least 30 master painters. Most of the items made featured conventional imagery, like that of the Madonna and child, but commissioners could also make specific requirements. According to the ricordanze of Neri di Bicci "In the middle of the picture I am to do an Annunciation, an on the side San Luca ... in whatever place Damiano wants" (9). Artisan shops left sales records such as: "Wedensday, October 31, 1459, I sold to Chimento the barber at the Canto del Giglio a half figure of Our Lady in plaster in low relief..." (10) that reveal that commissions were commonly made by the guild name. These commissions, however, were intended to be private items placed at homes, religious or decorative, and thus did not contain a function of social communication.

d. Relationship between patron and artist
            Letters between artists and their patrons show a clash of interest; in most cases both had clear opinion on the matter and method of painting, so a compromise had to be made. Filippo Lippi wrote in a letter to Cosimo de' Medici: "...which, by god, I don't like. And you are claiming that I shouldn't receive even a penny for this ?" (11), complaining his patron's reluctance to pay for extra handiwork.
            However most artists were dependent on patrons for financial support and social connection, as the wealthy families consisted the majority of demand for art products; eventually commissioners held an upper hand in compromise. The artists' opinion on payment or the choice of material was accepted, but elements like placement, theme, and depiction of important characters was carried out as planned by the patrons. Gozzoli, on Piero de' Medici's insistence that cherubim be erased from the commissioned work, replied: "... the cherubim are hidden behind the clouds and their bodies are hardly visible, while their wings add beauty to the painting ... but I will do as you want. I can erase the cherubim with a few strokes ..." (12) In finishing the interior decoration of Santa Maria Novella also, Giovanni Tornabuoi made specific requirements which Ghirlandaio had to abide by: "... not plain blue but ultramarine, and other details must be painted with German azure. All subjects of marble color must represent the exact texture, and employ gold where serenity is needed ... insert the Giovanni family sigil where ever pleases him ... The artist must present Giovanni with his first draft before he paints ..." (13) Eventually, patrons were less interested in developing new styles or creative expressions than in delivering a tangible message.

II.e. Motive

(1) Religious piety
            Most financial activities practiced by banking families were illegal by Christian doctrine. In fact, loans and credits were classic examples of usury; the Roman church officially banned bankers and loaners from placing burials within chapels in 1247. (14) But at the same time, the Church encouraged indulgence by donation (cautio) as a method to purge one's sins. The Archbishop Antoninus in Summa Theologica explicitly mentions that "The Divine Providence ... to others he gives an abundance...so that of this property, given to them by God, they should take what they need for themselves and give the rest to His poor, and by the virtue of charity be recieved into the eternal tabernacles through the prayers of the poor." (15)
            This idea of indulgence motivated merchant families to support churches through art, who expected their sin to be lifted through this benevolence. This is well shown by the popularity of family chapels. Placing the remains of saints or the royal family within chapels was common practice, such as in Saint Denis Cathedral that was appointed as the official burial place for the French royal family. With the emergence of merchant families in Florence, the wealthy also wished to own hereditary funeral chapels by donating to the church. This donation also entitled the families with the right to leave their sigil or sign as evidence of their contribution. From 1336 to 1337, 62 merchants purchased indulgence in this manner. (16) One of the examples is Cappella Scrovegni of Padova patronized by Enrico Scrovegni, an large-scale banker and usurer of the time. The central painting, Giotto's 'Last Judgment', and the wall side fresco, 'Enrico Scrovegni consecrating the chapel to god',
            The Medici were not an exception. Biographer Vespasiano da Bisticci writes that Cosimo de' Medici "wanted God to have mercy on him ... but felt some of his money were unjustly acquired", so to "lift this weight from his shoulders ..." (17) initiated his diverse building projects. Convent San Marco, one of Cosimo's achievements, places sumptuous images of feasting and wealth in front of the dormitory, an unusual image for the dwelling of training clergy. This, along with the inscription on the bell (: ".. The most illustrious man, Cosimo de' Medici ... caused me to be made at his own expense in order that rites might be celebrated for God at appointed times.") expresses the largesse of the Medicis on behalf of god, serving as remaining evidence of donation and thus indulgence. Whether the family genuinely wished to compensate for their sins or wanted to simply avoid criticism, this patronage of religious art seems to illustrate the Florentine proverb of the time "Where your wealth is, there will your heart be also." (17a)
            But religious motivation diminished as the church began to recognize capitalistic lifestyle in the 16th century. Family chapels were adorned with secular topics, a prominent example being the wall painting of Cappella Brancacci where Saint Peter, the symbol of church authority, is altogether neglected while the scene of Jesus paying tax was placed at the center. In Francesco Sassetti's chapel of Santa Trinita Church, contemporary Florentine figures and places such as the Loggia dei Signori appear in the depiction of Saint Francesco's life. And thus the portraits of the donor family and scenes of everyday lives as well as economic activities formerly considered as sin emerged as primary images.

(2) Advertisement of family power and relationship (magnificenza)
            Patronage of art was also a public performance to demonstrate the power and benevolence of the family, a Renaissance version of brand advertisement. Because art of the time was displayed in public spaces such as chapels, squares, and as sculptures on the street, it was an adequate medium of communicating sacre rappresentazioni (paternity of the ruler) and magnificenza (magnificence). Patrons ensured that their contribution was visually marked: the facade of Santa Maria Novella inscribes "I, Giovanni Rucellai, son of Polo, made this in 1470", visible to every visitor through the front door. It was a trend to insert family portraits inside religious-themed paintings, like Masacio's 'Holy Trinity' featuring Lorenzo Lenzi and his wife kneeling in prayer right beside Saint John, Mary, and Christ. However, at the same time, patrons were careful not to highlight extravagance, since it might have offended the Florentines. For this reason Cosimo de' Medici rejected Brunelleschi's original design for the Palazzo Medici, saying "it may look too luxurious". (17b)
            Alliance between families was an important element of family power; patrons wished to appeal their closeness to influential figures. If several families were to cooperate in a building project, work was not simply distributed by the amount of donation paid; the cooperation between patrons was important, so only the most politically intimate families could work together in a unified scheme. To earn a merit, families would occasionally present a chapel or group portrait to one another as a token of alliance. For instance, Francesco Sasseti's chapel features the Sasseti family's loyalty to the Medici; Francesco Sasseti was the head manager of the Medici bank, and the position was inherited to his son and grandson. So he was inevitably dependent on his acquaintance with the Medici. On the central painting of his chapel, Ghirlandaio's 'Saint Francesco receiving the seal of the order from the pope', is the group portrait of Sasseti and his sons, Lorenzo de' Medici, and Antonio Puzzi the son-in-law of Sasseti, as well as Poliziano the humanist who supported both the Medici and Sasseti. Considering that in 1486 Sasseti writes in his letter to Lorenzo "I yield to you my life and my sons, along with everything I own in this world" (18) , the group portrait is aimed to confirm the alliance between the families and present this fact to the public. In another case, Giovanni de Medici commissioned a marble tomb for antipope John XXIII in the Baptistry of Florence to show his personal support. As such, patronage worked to visualize the complex political relationships in renaissance Florence.

(3) Interest in Civic Humanism and glorification of the city
            Civic Humanism spurred the idea that a well-educated person must be interested in classical culture, and be active in carrying out his responsibility as a citizen. Since the artistic magnificence of a city was considered to be a symbol of its glory, patrons wished to visualize their contribution. Cicero's De officiis, a classic often read and referred to as guidebook to decent civil activity, mentions that the dignity of the house is the dignity of his owner, and that a city should be represented by its elegant buildings. Rucellai makes a similar argument by citing Gnaeus Octavius. Even when commissioning art for private needs, patrons considered this to raise the cultural level of Florence.
            During Medici rule, he Piazza della Signoria functioned as advertisement for the city's glory and independence over oppression. The Medici strived to emphasize their role in protecting Florence from dictatorship and foreign attack, elevating their image to that of a state hero. In commissioning sculptures to adorn the piazza, classical icons of heroism were chosen, typically the David by Michelangelo and Judith by Donatello. David's killing of Goliath was a proverbial allusion among citizens to small but powerful Florence's victory over dictatorship; the Medici commissioned the sculpture to stand right in front of the city government to commemorate the heroic event. Another statue of Judith contains a similar symbolic meaning, as inscribed on the pedestals: "For the good of all, Piero, son of Cosimo de' Medici dedicates this statue to freedom and iron will, for which our citizens contributed with restless hearts" (19)
            Although it digresses from the exact definition art patronage, collection of artifacts and classical art was a trend to be briefly noted. In its serving to evidence grandeur and connoisseurship this trend could be by similar motivation with the support of artists elaborated above. Initially, sculptors started collecting Greek torsos and vases for the sake of imitating their proportional balance. However after Donatello recommended Lorenzo de'Medici to collect sculptures as well as gems and cameos it became popular to collect classic art pieces or their copies in one's studiolo (study room). The size and quality of such studiolos demonstrated the wealth and academic achievement of their owners. However, patrons were not always fully knowledgeable about the items they collected ; Lorenzo de Medici bought the Parneze Cup with 10000 fiorinis, which was 500 to 1000 times the cost of Donatello's work, although the cup had no artistic nor archaeological significance. And then he is said to have inscribed his name on the artifact, a practice that would be considered inconsiderate in terms of archaeological preservation. From this trend of collection, it can be inferred that many activities of patronage were fuelled by competition, and that not all of them may have been 'intellectually accomplished' as Giorgio Vasari writes. (19a)

III. Ottoman Empire

III.a Background

III.a. (1) Islamic tradition
            Islamic society developed cultures within the restrictions of religious doctrines, defined by the Qu'ran and The Five Pillars of Islam. Each Muslim must admit that Allah is the only god (Shahadah),pray five times a day (Salat) donate to the poor (Zakat), fast for a month each year during the days of Ramadan (Sawm), and take pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in his/her lifetime (Hajj).
            In the field of art, realistic depiction was strictly prohibited; it was especially considered a sin to express the features of Allah and the Prophet, and artists were discouraged from representative art when decorating religious books or buildings as well. Therefore Islamic art developed characteristic patterns that are symbolic and decorative, often derived from plant motifs and geometric forms, that represent the infinity and harmony of the divine order. Calligraphy was a dominant medium of ornamentation; thousands of different fonts were invented . In the area of secular art, like that of historical records or portraits, realism developed with the influence from Europe. The art of miniature that initially started from the decoration of Qu'ran pages developed into a genre of realistic historical depiction that celebrated important events in the reign of sultans.

III.a. (2) The Ottoman Empire
            The Ottoman empire was a monarchy, ruled by the sultan and several noble families. The caliphate, proclaimed by the sultan, owned right to possess and exploit all sources of wealth within the empire. Around the sultan was the imperial harem led by the Valide Sultan (wife of the sultan) who also participated in politics, as well as the Grand Vizier, or prime minister who advised and assisted his authority. To train future sultans or state administrators, the royal family established palace schools. The madrasa was attended by Muslims and school fees were partially paid by the state to allow poor families chance of education, while the Enderun was for Christian adolescents trained to assist the sultan.
            The royal society surrounding the sultan was divided into four strata: the mülkiye, the imperial palace led by the sultan, seyfiye, the military institution responsible for defending and expanding the territory, the kalemiye, the imperial treasury maintaining the collection and spending of revenues, and the ilmiye, the religious and cultural institution including the ulama (religious science experts) who instilled religious order. The subject classes were comprised of independent societies called millets, each operating under its religious leader and rules. The cultural diversity within the expanded territory of the Ottoman Empire necessitated this policy of regional autonomy. These regions were distributed to timars, who were endowed with the right to own a certain percentage of profit from his territory and required to deliver tax payment to the sultanate.
            Economically, guilds became the basic unit of transaction as representatives of different professions. Guilds secured monopoly within their occupation and set quality and pricing standards. Membership was not limited to one region or community, but often tolerated members from different ranks and religions who shared a common need. Before the discovery of the sea route to India, the Ottoman Empire encompassed a crucial inland trade route.

III.b. Patrons

III.b (1) Mehmed II
            Mehmed II 'The Conqueror' is known for his capture of Constantinople and conquest of the Mamluk Empire, continuing the territorial expansion in the Ottoman Empire. With the siege of Constantinople, the influence of old Turkish nobles diminished and the devsirme, a scout of converted Christians trained from youth, rose to power. Its infantry branch, the Janissary corps, consisted the majority of the Ottoman army.
            During Mehmed's reign the Ottoman Empire was not only solidified through military conquest and expansion, but also by advancement in administration. The integration of newly acquired lands into the Ottoman system politically and culturally was crucial. Mehmed II generally applied the policy of cultural fusion, allowing the Byzantine Church autonomy; other independent religious communities, or millets, retained their own language, culture, and laws under the general protection of the sultan. In these cities the conquering army repaired aqueducts, roads, and major mosques to repopulate peripheral areas and promote connection with the central government in Istanbul.
            Istanbul (formerly Constantinople) (20) was envisioned to be the new cultural center, where a rebuilding project introduced the Topkapi palace, the Mhmediye (central mosque complex) and the repaired version of Hagia Sophia as landmarks of the empire. Also, to restore the city's industry, Mehmed granted substantial tax concessions, attracting merchants and artisans into Istanbul. A coreligionist policy towards Jews brought about a mass migration of Jews from central and eastern Europe, where they were subject to persecution by the Greek Orthodox church. As a patron of art, Mehmed also founded the nakkashane (imperial scriptorium) outside the walls of Topkapi Palace. Some craftsmen were selected and trained inside the scriptorium while others worked semi-independently in their own workshops. Mehmed was also interested in European art, inviting Italian artists to his court for commission of medals and portraits. Artists Gentile Bellini and Costanzo de Ferrara delivered portraits of the sultan into the repertoire of the nakkashane, with minaturists like Sinan Bey and Ahmed Siblizade specializing in portraiture. European techniques like shading and perspective were thus incorporated into the Ottoman field of art.

III.b. (2) Selim I (1512-20)
            Victory against the Safavids in eastern Anatolia (1514) and the expansion of territory into Mecca and Medina (1516) resulted in the incorporation of Arab artists into the court. The victory of the Ottomans over the Safavids at the battle of Caldıran (1514) was a crucial event for the artistic history and development of the nakkashane, due to the regional artists mass migrated to Istanbul. Tabriz was well known for muralist workshops, and Selim invited the head of these shops to the court to join the muralist house of Istanbul. (21) Furthermore, European culture was transferred into the empire through the import of foreign books. The library of Hungarian king Matthias Corvinus, rich in Florentine manuscripts, sprouted Ottoman interest in European traditions of art; one of the nakkashane members, Gulru Necipoğlu mentions that among the books of the library there was a copy of Vitruvius' De architectura which was sent by the Duke of Milan to the Hungarian King, and thereafter entering the imperial library. Amalgamation policy towards newly acquired lands continued to provide diversity in culture and identity of artists within imperial artisan communities.

III.b. (3) Süleyman the Magnificent (1520-66)
            Territorial expansion reached its maximum during the reign of Süleyman, the Empire's borders extending to Eastern Europe, threatening the Habsburgs on the north west and reaching North African ports scattered near the Mediterranean. Within this context, the distinction between social classes grew clear between the Ottomans (Osmanlı) and the inhabitants of conquered areas, the rayas (re?aya) ; one could be accepted into the Ottoman class only if he professed royalty to the state, accepted and practiced Islam, and were accustomed to Ottoman language and lifestyle .
            Building projects were continued, under the supervision of Sinan (1539-1588), chief of the Corps of Royal Architects. He was appointed head of two major projects, the Süleymanye Complex in Istanbul and the Selimiye in Edirne. Sinan's other works established and repaired mosques and public buildings, such as the repair of tiles in the Dome of Rock, or additions of sub-mosques in Medina and Mecca. The Süleymanye Complex was built on a hill above the Golden Horn, and incorporated the 'light scheme' by including more windows and an iridescent golden dome structure. The Qur'an phrase "Allah is our light of the heavens and the earth. The Parable of his light is as if there is a Niche and in it the Lamp ... In them is He glorified in the mornings and in the evenings (24:35,36)" The Dome of Rock, built in the 7th century to mark the divine place where the Prophet recieved a message from god,
            In Süleyman's time the nakkashane amalgamated Turkic, Persian, and Byzantine artistic repertoires in developing decorative design. Often, a new artistic style was created in this community and then turned fashionable throughout the empire. A representative artist from the nakkashane was Şahkulu, who entered the guild in 1521 and became its head in 1545. His invention of the saz style, a method of decoration using intertwined vines and leaves, was employed in many commissioned works by the palace after 1540. The yatağan (short sword) made by Ahmed Tekelu in 1526, an ivory hand mirror by Gani, and manuscript illuminations as well as book bindings show the popularity of the saz style. Another invention of the nakkashane was the naturalistic style, a contribution of Kara Memi, the successor of Şahkulu. The style incorporated realistic depictions of spring flowers and fruit trees, widely applied to the copy of Hadith (Hadis, the collected sayings and actions of the Prophet Muhammad) commissioned for Süleyman's son Sehzade Mehmet. The Qu'ran transcribed in 1546 by Ahmed Karahisari, ceramic vessels and tiles produced in Iznik, the chambers of the Harem in Topkapi Palace, and most importantly the mausoleum of the sultan's wife Hurrem Sultan, all employed the same style, evidencing the impact of the royal style.
            Like many other Ottoman sultans, Suleyman was conscious of his achievements in history and wished to leave official records of his reign. In Süleyman's time, the post of Şahnameci, the court biographer, was held by Arifi whose fifth and last volume of books is called the Süleymanname, completed in 1558. Süleymanname was dedicated to Süleyman's legacy, covering his life from 1520 to 1556. Arifi chose artists to adorn the book with scenes of accession ceremonies, reception of foreign dignitaries, and famous battles; most of the artists remain anonymous but their extremely realistic work remain. These historical documentations recreate the Battle of Mohacs, defeat of Hungary in 1526, and the circumcision festival of two princes in 1539. Especially in Battle scenes the sultan is portrayed as majestic and solemn, even in a scene where Suleyman's actual age was near 72.

III.b (4) Royal women
            Female patrons were mostly sultan's wives, princesses, and concubines from the court. Islam tradition limited the social activities of women, thus royal women were secluded within harems. However seclusion was a policy that also applied to men; the sultan and other male members of the royal family rarely engaged in social activities in public spaces. So the seclusion of women must not interpreted as a factor that prevented them from political engagement. In fact royal women could gain influence through her proximity to the sultan, and as the sultan became increasingly secluded from princes and nobles, the valide sultan (wife or concubine of the sultan) ruled the harem with control over her sons. (22)

Haseki Hurrem Sultan (?-1558)
            The wife of sultan Suleyman I (the magnificent), Haseki was one of the first women in the Ottoman Empire to engage in politics. Her architectural patronage was concentrated on building charity foundations (or waqf). Haseki Sultan Mosque, designed by Sinan, was built in 1529 in Istanbul and included a madrasa, a soup kitchen (imaret), and a hospital. In the 1550s, she added a women's hospital and a double bathhouse (hammam), displaying her power as member of the royal family as well as providing public institutions for the poor class. Her other contributions are dispersed in Mecca, Jerusalem, Damascus, Baghdad, Konya and Edirne.

Mihrimah Sultan (?-1578)
            The daughter of Suleyman and Hurrem, Mihrimah founded a mosque after her name at the entrance of Edirne. Like Hurrem's mosque complex, Mihrimah sultan mosque consisted of public spaces such as hammams and imarets. It is also known for its position on top of a hill and architectural innovation concerning the effect of light on the interior structure.

Safiye Sultan
            As valide sultan, the wife or concubine of the sultan, Safiye marked the beginning of 'the Reign of Women" in the Ottoman Empire. Her Yeni Valide Mosque (Mosque of the valide sultans) was left unfinished with her death, but continued with later valide sultans like Kosem Maypeyker Sultan. Functioning as the living space of these influential women and designed to look over the whole city of Istanbul, the mosque evidences the rising power of women within the Ottoman court and relative decrease of the sultan's absolute authority.

III.c. Commissioning art

III.c. (1) The Royal family
            Royal patronage was based on planned artist communities that recruited and trained potential members, establishing a selected clique of professionals.
            The Ehl-i Hiref (Community of the Talented) belonged the Topkapi Palace, and included artists from different ethnicities and talents. Training artists entered the society as apprentices and gradually rose to the rank of master, the most talented rising to the level of corps. Members of this community were assigned daily wages proportionate to their level of expertise and rank, which were re-evaluated four times a year. The court registers remaining in the Topkapi Palace archive delineate the size of Ehl-i Hiref; the earliest record, of 1526, lists 40 sub-societies within the community with 600 members in total, whereas in the 17th century the number of members rose to approximately 2,000. Diversity within Ehl-i Hiref contributed to the collaborative nature of Ottoman art. Artists from Herat, Tabriz, Cairo and Damascus worked alongside those hailing from Circassia, Georgia, Bosnia, and even from Austria and Hungary worked in cooperation with local masters, combining local styles and influencing each other; palace records list artists named Kaytas the Frank (Kaytas-©• Freng), Mahmud the Frank (Mahmud-ı Freng), Mahmud of Georgia (Mahmud-ı Gurci), Iskender of Bosnia (Iskender-i Bosna), Toma Manol, and Saban of Albania (Saban-ı Arnavud). (23)
            Another community, the Nakkashane (Imperial Painting Studio) was founded by Mehmed II and produced primarily manuscripts on religious and secular topics. Craftsmen of the workshop were trained in the art of book decoration through apprenticeship. Masters of the community were called nakkas( painters, miniaturists), and were sometimes commissioned to design for other types of art like portraiture and architecture. The artists created original styles and themes in page decoration as well as calligraphy, which were applied to the production of textiles, rugs, ceramic vessels, and tiles of the same era. Also the genre of historical painting that document contemporary events and persons was introduced for the first time by the Nakkashane. Like in the Ehl-i Hiref, artists came from various geographical areas, arriving from the courts of Timurid Herat (Afghanistan), Samarkand (Uzbekistan), Baghdad, Shiraz, and Tabriz. Surviving court records reveal the procedure of commission: after a contract the appointed painter would assemble a team within the scriptorium consisting of an illuminator, a calligrapher, and several nakkas. The artists each specialized in a certain part of painting, for instance plants and animals or clothed figures, so the work was collaborative in nature.
            Aside royal communities, individual painters working in a variety of local guilds in Istanbul and other major cities were appointed to short-term projects; one of them was Ahmed Siblizade, appointed for Mehmed II's portrait. But it is hard to make examples of patronage since artists responsible for particular short term commissions remain anonymous.

III.c.(2) Religious groups
            From the Seljuks the Ottomans inherited the tradition of building regional mosque complexes called Külliye, founded and maintained by local religious organizations of wakf and habous (in North Africa). They retained similar functions with that of the mosque complexes of large cities like Edirne and Istanbul, but the cultural tolerance and regional autonomy policy enabled the independent maintenance of such facilities. Most külliyes were charity-based, receiving donation by money, subsidies, and land endowment. With this revenue the wakf could pay the cleric scholars (imams), teachers, and free meals for the poor. Often mausolea were added to commemorate the builder of the külliye. Personal information of the builders is scarce, but the name of the mosques evidence an influential figure's personal support of the projects. One example is the Külliye of Kucuk Aga situated in the Samlar district, constructed by local leader Melik Gazi from Danishmend and then rebuilt by Ayas Aga.

III.c. (3) Small scale commissions: Decorative items and book making
            Small scale commissions made on local esnaf or taife (guilds) were mostly for carpets, Quran manuscripts, and portraits. A license, called a gedik, gave craftsmen the permission to practice his trade. Apprentices studied for years to rise to the rank of masters, while masters of each guild would settle disputes, confirm monopoly, and loan money to the guild members. However, despite the independent practice of trade and crafts, all guilds were periodically subject to government inspection. Inspector would check the progress of commissioned work and had the right to destroy substandard products. Their amount and quality of production could be changed by the sultan's direction; in 1585, the sultan ordered all guilds of Istanbul to stop making kitchenware and concentrate on royal commissions. Also each guild had to provide work force to the royal workplace for several months a year.
            However in trade with foreign buyers the tradesmen could operate independently and gain profit. Although the royal family ascribed low prices on commission work by authority, luxury items were exported abroad with expensive prices. Especially Ottoman pots and plates were popular items, which guilds were eager to produce in larger quantities. The empire's location at the crossroads of trade and establishment of kervansaray, caravan stops, made guild-produced art products important items of exchange.

III.d. Relationship between artist and patron
            Belonging to an imperial artist society guaranteed political protection and social prestige. It was also one of the most paid jobs in the empire; a document datable to 1535 indicates that Süleyman gave over 225,450 akçes (silver coins) plus 34 garments to some 150 court artists. Several masters received up to 3,000 akçes, a generous five months' salary for men making less than 20 akçes a day (24). One of the royal artists, Shakuli, received a high pay of 22 silver coins as well as additional gifts from the sultan. However it does not seem that contract on equal grounds existed, since under monarchy the artists were the subject people of the sultan
            Outside the cliques of royal artists however, most artisans remained in the same social status as that of guildsmen, many of them remaining anonymous and resorting to mass-production for the sake of large-scale trade.

III.e. Motive

III.e. (1) Social functions
            Dome complexes, which were the main concern of all building projects, served crucial social functions that intended to raise the quality of life.
            Firstly it carried out an educational function, as all central dome complexes included space for academic interaction. Starting from Mehmed's era most complexes demonstrate rooms dedicated for the Ulama, or the scholar class, generally divided into four schools: Madrassa (primary school), Darulkurra (high school with the curriculum of Qu'ran reading and writing Arabic), Darulhadis madassa (science of hadith), and the Medical department. These schools each consisted of several Iwans or enclosed classrooms. Emperor Süleyman said of his purpose of building dome complexes: "I built complexes to strengthen power over my realm and stimulate research on religious subjects for the happiness of future generations" (24a)
            Complexes also served an economical function. They brought prosperity to suburban districts by stimulating trade and establishment of market infrastructure. Domes were surrounded by Hans, which were cells and units occupied by shops, stables, and traveling amenities. Within the Hans the market complex was specifically called the Bazaar, often a covered hall raised on pillars or surmounted domes to make it maintainable under all weather conditions. Because regional cities attracted travelers and merchants, Hans and Bazaars yielded considerable amount of income for cities; in 1489, Ipek Hani (Han for silk merchants) earned 150 million silver coins from public baths and product sales. In an empire with vast territory and an economy based on trade, it was integral that exchange within and between cities were fluent.

III.e. (2) Religious function
            In the Ottoman Empire, religion and sultanate were one entity; after the conquest of Constantinople and Arab regions the sultan claimed the position of caliph, the official successor of the Prophet and the highest religious leader. According to Islamic law, the primary duty of a caliph is to ensure Islamic law throughout the empire. These laws were implemented through the qadis, or judges of religious law sent out by the mufti, religious scholars, of Istanbul. All of these religious stately functions were under the jurisdiction of the sultan.
            To meet the specific responsibilities prescribed in the Qu'ran the empire needed religious facilities. In any mosque complex, the central dome was essentially a place for religious gathering and prayer. The walls were decorated with the calligraphy of passages from the Qu'ran, because realistic depiction of religious material was considered blasphemous.
            Aside from daily prayer, many mosques were visited for pilgrimage. Because its territory covered numerous religiously important spots of Islam, such as Mecca and the Dome of Rock, the empire needed to ensure pilgrims could safely complete their journey as an universal interreligious responsibility towards Muslim brothers. To accommodate travelers, hypostyle halls were created in front of the main prayer hall, used as temporary sleeping places of pilgrims. To mark the direction of Mecca, in all mosques was marked the qibla, a concave space on the wall decorated with intricate plant motives.
            Another religious function focuses on zakat, the virtue of charity, one of the Five Pillars of Islam. The Qu'ran promises reward from Allah for the Muslims who looked after the destitute during their lives: And they feed, for the love of Allah, the indigent, the orphan, and the captive, "We feed you for the sake of Allah alone: no reward do we desire from you, nor thanks. We only fear a Day of distressful wrath from the side of our Lord. But Allah will deliver them from the evil of that Day, and shed over them a Light of Beauty and Joy". (25) Mosques provided daily bread and soup to the poor from a public kitchen, or Imaret. The kitchen built by Orhan Gazi in Iznik 1326, "provided rice (pilav) and bread (fodla) once a day". The Golden Horn Dome, one of the biggest in size, distributed 3300 bread loaves to an average of 1177 people per day (26); charity was not only an individual virtue but a public policy towards poverty.

III.e. (3) Visualization of imperial power
            Mehmed II wished to identify himself with the legendary kings with the past, specifically Alexander the Great. He commissioned an illustrated version of the Iskendername (Alexander's book), a celebration of Alexander's conquests and feats by the 14th century Anatolian poet Ahmedi. His interest in European portraits and medals, which he saw as a medium of leaving his image to posterity. Venetian painter Costanzo de Ferrara was commissioned to design a medal with Mehmed's portrait inscribed on it, while Gentile Bellini created the portrait painiting of the sultan.
            As mentioned earlier, Suleyman also commissioned his own illustrated biography, wanting to visualize his feats. Arifi the Şahnameci created the Süleymanname
(27) that depicts war scenes, diplomatic exchange, and major ceremonies in detail, and created the image of the sultan as a valiant warrior seen to be leading war at the very front of the army. Produced in excruciating detail, the book functioned both as a historical record and glorification of the king.

IV. Conclusion
Renaissance Florence Ottoman Empire
Patron Wealthy merchant class (by name of the family) with or without direct role in the signoria Almost solely the sultanate (28)
Function Propaganda of family power, devotion, and identity as an independent city Architecture: public service
Portrait/Historical record: royal authority
Religious Motivation Christianity: the motivation of indulgence Islam: responsibility of zakat, salat, routine of daily prayer and pilgrimage
Artists' Status Guild members in short/long term, contract with individual patrons Members of closed imperial society with wide range of ethnicity/culture
Cultural Influence Renaissance Humanism Cultural fusion (tolerance policy)


IV.a. Similarities
            The status of artists in both circumstances illustrate certain limitations in their independence in the relationship with patrons. Primarily, patrons were of a socially privileged class like the wealthy merchant families of Italy or the sultanate of the Ottoman Empire, while artisans belonged to craftsmen. Contract- wise the commissioner and artist were on equal grounds and adequate payment to the artisans made it a profitable exchange; however limitations existed on the freedom of expression these artists could exert on to their projects. Creativity, or introduction of new methods were not the main concern of patrons. Rather, the end product had to meet the expected effect on viewers/ users . Also, the patron class was very limited, as art was a luxury only affordable by a significant amount of marginal revenue. Although other buyers existed, entering the patronage of this limited pool was the most assured way of gaining fame and financial stability as an artist. Receiving patronage ironically could give an artist the chance to be professionally trained and materialize his own style; patrons had selective requirements, but otherwise artisans belonged to guilds where art work was often produced for low cost and lesser quality, or mass produced to meet profit. As the number of such patrons was very small, there would have been an implicit competition for such commission spots and thus vigorous effort was exerted in meet the taste of patrons. This is not to say that the selectiveness of patrons intrinsically prevented artistic growth, however. In the Ottoman Empire incorporation of different ethnicities and cultures as well as an interest in European art tradition culminated in a dynamic period of artistic inventions. Florence, under the influence of Renaissance Humanism, reestablished the importance of art and creativity as inherent human ability. It can be said that although not economically independent, artists in both the Ottoman Empire and Florence were respected intellectuals who had pride of their professions, as shown in numerous personal records they left.
            It can also be observed that certain commercial elements were inherent in artistic exchange. In both states, trade nourished the use of coinage and a development of early market economy. Thus artists, partially as 'producers' of art products, required patrons to make solid contracts and provide them with adequate payment, although to a lesser extent in the Ottoman Empire due to its monarchial nature. The practice of art not only by individuals but by alliances such as guilds or imperial artisan societies promoted cohesion, enabling them to voice their opinions in the procedure of commission. Florentine artists made contracts with patrons on, at least officially, equal grounds, protesting the oppressive attitude of certain patrons and appealing their view on how and where the work should be displayed. On the other hand Ottoman artisans chose their own teammates and manner of distributing work, managing multifarious projects like creating manuscripts in an efficient manner.

IV.b. Differences
            Whereas Florentine patronage carries a vivid intention to achieve particular personal goals, that in the Ottoman Empire serves a more of a social function. The details of Ottoman art do not bear the specific circumstances of a family. This derives from the difference of political structure between the two states; the republic politics of Florence involved constant political competition and alliance within similarly empowered families, while in the Ottoman Empire power was much more concentrated on the sultanate. To maintain an image of generosity and wealth as well as to advertise a good strategic relationship, it was crucial for Florentine families to demonstrate these values through easily accessible forms of art, an element of competition between cliques being a continuous stimulus. In a political system consisting of rival families of similar strength, the power relationship could shift intermittently. To remain in power, the families had to appeal to Florentine citizens as a whole as well as establish connections with other stakeholders; a method that most conveniently appealed to this cause was to display 'propaganda' in public spaces.
            However the sultans had no practical need to do so due to their exclusive authority over political and economical matters; instead they were directly responsible for enhancing the social life of their subjects. Conquest made rapidly and extensively further necessitated a state-led development program that could reach well beyond the capital to the most peripheral regions of the empire. Politically uniting the ethnically, culturally diverse peoples under Ottoman identity was also an urgent task, to prevent unrest that could easily spurred in such a heterogeneous environment. So when Ottoman patronage programs intended a political goal it was rather to improve the economy of areas remote from the capital, or to provide religious services for Muslim populations rather than the particular matters of family power. Thus it takes on the nature of public service, naturally more focused on architecture. Unlike Florentine works of art that are poignant with political symbolism, the depictions of Ottoman mosques or on paintings retained religious or cultural meaning.
            Religion is also an element to take notice of. In both societies religious motivations are well illustrated, but in different manners. In Florence the religion and state were clearly separated, one Roman Catholic Church representing the former and the citizen government being the latter. Because of the capitalistic nature of the Florentine lifestyle and the sprouting humanism, the two forces were often in conflict on a political level, while on the individual level the majority of citizens lived upon the Christian worldview. Hence there is a mixed attitude towards religion that leaned toward secularism towards the end of the 16th century; while Florentines wished their spirits to be saved by donation and demonstrated their devotion (partially for the public image factor mentioned above), religious-themed paintings contained double-meanings. Inserting the family portrait in the scene, inscribing the name of the donor, or placing the family saint as the center imagery functioned as moderations on religious paintings that made it more of a medium of delivering a practical message than of expressing respect of Christianity. On the contrary the sultan and Islam were fundamentally bound together. The sultan's jurisdiction covered religious matters, making it his primary concern to maintain Muslim rules throughout the empire; inscription and appliance of Muslim rules were directed by the sultanate and its courtiers. Not influenced by large-scale secular movements like humanism in Italy, Islamic religion continued to guide social order without much dispute. Religious responsibilities of taking care of the poor also functioned as a welfare policy, with dome complexes built by the sultan or autonomous religious groups keeping poverty under control. At the same time, the particular Islamic rule banning the representation of Qu'ran related material encouraged the development of new genres like calligraphy and miniature, under the support of royal communities.

Notes
           
(1)      The Online Etymology Dictionary: http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=patron
(2)      Bruni 1987
(3)      Goldthwaite 2009
(4)      Hans Baron, "The Memory of Cicero's Roman Civic Spirit in the Medieval Centuries and in the Florentine Renaissance". Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988, pg. 94-133
(5)      Gombrich 1960
(5a)     
(6)      Hatfield, 1970 p.332
(6a)     
(7)      Fryde 1977 p.80
(7a)     
(8)      Wackernagel 1981 p.226
(9)      Santi, Bruno, ed., Le Ricordanze (10 Marzo 1453 - 12 Aprile 1475) (Pisa: Marlin,1976). quoted after: Paoletti 2005 p.51
(10)      Ibid.
(11)      Christiansen, Keith. Fra Carnevale and the Making of a Renaissance Master. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 2005 (quoted after: Paoletti 2005 p.70)
(12)      Chambers 1970 pp.95-97
(13)      Ibid.
(14)      Nelson 1947 pp.104-122
(15)      Antoninus, Summa Theologica. Venice, 1477 (Modern printed version: Drucku, Akademische. Summa Theologica, Verlagsanstalt, 1959)
(16)      Trexler 1971 p.74
(17)      Vespasiano/ George, William Waters. The Vespasiano Memoirs: Lives of illustrious men of the XVth century. University of Toronto Press, 1997 pg. 144
(17a)     
(17b)     
(18)      Firenze, Archivio di Stato, M.A.P XXXIX, no 510. Maggio 1486 "...ci impegnerei la vita, e figliuoli et cio che ho in questo mondo ..."
(19)      Donatello, Janson. "Salus Publica, Petrus Medices Cos. Liberartati Simul et fortitudini hanc mulieris starum quo cives invicto constantique animo ad rem pub. reddernt dedicavit", p.198
(19a)     
(20)      Constantinople was conquered after a long siege in 1453; it is appropriate to call it Istanbul afterwards
(21)      Demitras 2013 p.11
(22)      Zilfi, Madeline C. Women in the Ottoman Empire: Middle Eastern Women in the Early Modern Era. BRILL, 1997
(23)      Meric, Turk Nak©•? Sanat©• Tarihi Ara?t©•rmalar©•, 7-10 (VI, VII)
(24)      Atil 1987 (a)
(24a)      ibid.
(25)      Qu'ran, 76:8-11
(26)      Kuran 1968 p.22
(27)      Atil, Esin. Suleymanname: The Illustrated History of Suleyman the Magnificent. Harry N Abrams, 1986
(28)      http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mosques_commissioned_by_the_Ottoman_dynasty This list of mosques commissioned by the Ottoman Empire illustrate the predominance of the sultanate as patrons of art, at least in the area of architecture.

Bibliography

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Atil 1987      E. Atil, The Golden Age of Ottoman Art, Saudi AramCo World July/Aug. 1987,
http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/198704/the.golden.age.of.ottoman.art.htm
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Alberti      Alberti, Leon Battista. On Painting, Revised edition. New York: Yale UP, 1967
Archivo Mantova      Archivo di Stato di Mantova, Archivio Gonzaga, 'Purche' la sia cosa che representi antiquita'
Archivo Mediceo      Archivo Mediceo avanti il Principato, Filza XXXiii, referred to in Gombrich's writing
Bruni      Bruni, Leonardo. The Humanism of Leonardo Bruni: Selected Texts. Arizona State University, 1987
Catalogue of the Medici Archives      Catalogue of the Medici Archives, 1084-1770 .Medici, House of Archives. General Books, 2011 [Consists of rare autographic letters, records and documents]
Cellini      Cellini, Benvenuto. Autobiography. Trans. John Addington Symonds. New York, Double Day, 1961
Istanbul Court Registers      Istanbul Court Registers (online version), The Center of Islamic Studies, http://cmes.hmdc.harvard.edu/research/ocrp
History of Istanbul      Sabanci University, Şer'iyye Sicillerine Gore Istanbul Tarihi. 2006 [The history of Istanbul according to Ottoman court records]
Machiavelli      The Historical, Political and Diplomatic Writings of Niccolo Machiavelli, trans. C. E. Detmold, 4 vols, Boston 1882. Extract from 'The History of Florence', Vol. 1, Book 8, p.36.
Le Ricordanze      Santi, Bruno, ed., Le Ricordanze (10 Marzo 1453 - 12 Aprile 1475). Pisa: Marlin,1976
Sinan's Autobiographies      Akin, Esra. Sinan's Autobiographies (edited version): Five Sixteenth-century texts. Brill Academic Publishers,2006
[Architect Sinan's first-hand autobiographical accounts: the Adsiz Risale, the Risaletul, Mimariyye, Tuhfetul-Mi'marin, Tezkiretul-Ebniye and Tezkiretu'l-Bunyan. The original accounts remains as dictated by his poet-painter friend Mustafa Sa?i Çelebi, in Cario, Ankara, and Istanbul.]
Staturi dell'Arte      Speziali, Medici E, Arte Dei / Firenze, Archivio Di Stato Di. Statuti Dell'arte Dei Medici E Spezali, Editi a Spese Della Camera Di Commercio E Industria Di Firenze. Nabu Press,2011
Trattato di Architectura      Filarete. Trattato di architettura (Treatise on Architecture), 1464 [Scanned online version: http://www.bncf.firenze.sbn.it/Bib_digitale/Manoscritti/II.140/main.htm]
Vasari      Vasari, Giorgio. Vite de' piu eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori italiani, da Cimabue insino a' tempi nostri (The Lives of the Artists),1568. Oxford University Press, 1991
[An early work of art history, Vasari writes biographies of contemporary artists and donors Not completely credible due to personal affinity to wealthy patron families ]

Secondary Sources

Renaissance Italy

Allegri 1980      Allegri, E. and Cecchi. A. Palazzo Vecchio e i Medici. Firenze, 1980
Baron 1988      Baron, Hans. The Memory of Cicero's Roman Civic Spirit in the Medieval Centuries and in the Florentine Renaissance. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988
Baxandall 1988      Baxandall, Michael. Painting and experience in fifteenth century Italy a primer in the social history of pictorial style. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1988
Brown 1976      Brown, Clifford M. Lo insaciabile desiderio nostro de cose antique. Manchester Univ. (1976)
Burke 2004      Burke, Jill. Changing Patrons: Social Identity and the Visual Arts in Renaissance Florence 2004. [Examines patronage traditions of the Nasi and the del Pugliese, small banking families of Florence]
Chambers 1970      Chambers, D.S. Patronage and Artists in the Italian Renaissance, London, 1970
Cox-Rearick 1984      Cox-Rearick. Dynasty and Destiny in Medici Art, Princeton, 1984
28. Donatello, Janson. "Salus Publica, Petrus Medices Cos. Liberartati Simul et fortitudini hanc mulieris starum quo cives invicto constantique animo ad rem pub. reddernt dedicavit"
Fryde 1977      Fryde, E. B, Lorenzo de Medici - High finance and the patronage of art and learning, A.G. Dickens, London, 1977,
Furlotti 2008      Furlotti, Barbara. The art of Mantua: Power and Patronage in the Renaissance, Getty Publications, 2008
Glixon 2006      Glixon, David M. The Muse of Gold : Art Patronage throughout the years. Author house, 2006
Goldthwaite 1980      Goldthwaite, Richard, The Building of Renaissance Florence: An Economic and Social History, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980
Goldthwaite 2009      Goldthwaite, Richard A. The Economy of Renaissance Florence, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009
Gombrich 1960      Gombrich, E.H. "The Early Medici as Patrons of Art" Italian Renaissance studies", E.F. Jacob, London, 1960
Hollinsworth 1995      Hollinsworth, Mary. Patronage in Renaissance Italy. Lodon: John Murray, 1995
Jenkins 1970      Jenkins, A. D. Fraser "Cosimo de' Medici's Patronage of Architecture and the Theory of Magnificence," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 33 (1970) pp.162-70.
Kempers 1987      Kempers, Bram. Kunst, macht en mecenaat (English title: Painting, power, and the rise of professional artist in the Italian Renaissance). London, Penguin Press, 1987
Kent 2000      Kent, Dale V., Cosimo de' Medici and the Florentine Renaissance: the Patron's Oeuvre (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000
Marrow 1978      Marrow, Deborah. The art patronage of Maria de'Medici, UMI Research Press, 1978
Nelson 1947      Nelson, B., "The Usurer and the Merchant Prince: Italian businessmen and the Ecclesiastical Law of Restitution 1100-1500", Journal of Economic History VII, 1947
Nelson 2008      Nelson, Jonathan K. The Patron's Payoff : Conspicuous Commissions in Italian Renaissance Art. Princeton University Press. 2008
O'Malley 2007      O'Malley, Michelle. "Quality, demand, and the Pressures of Reputation: Rethinking Perugino", Art Bulletin, Dec.01, 2007
Paoletti 2005      Paoletti, John T. Art, Power, and Patronage in Renaissance Italy. Pearson/Prentice hall, 2005
Parks 2006      Parks, Tim. Medici Money: banking, art, and metaphysics in Fifteenth century Florence, W.W.Norton & Company, 2006
Reiss 2001      Reiss, Sheryl. E. Beyond Isabella: Secular Women Patrons of Art in Renaissance Italy. Truman City University Press, 2001
Rubinstein 1995      Rubinstein, Nicolai. The Palazzo Vecchio Government, Architecture, and Imagery in the Civic Palace of the Florentine Republic, Oxford, 1995
Teneti 1989      Teneti, Alberto. Il Senso dell morte e l'ammore della vita nel Rinasciemento, Torino, 1989
Trexler 1971      Trexler, Richard C. "Death and Testament in the Episcopal Contributions of Florence", Renaissance Studies in honor of Hans Baron, A.Molho and J.A Tedeschi, Firenze, 1971, p.74
Wackernagel 1938      Wackernagel, Martin. Der Lebensraum des Künstlers in der florentinischen Renaissance, 1938
Wackernagel 1981      Wackernagel, Martin., Luchs, Alison. (trans.) The World of the Florentine Renaissance Artist: Projects and Patrons, Workshop and Art Market. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1981
Witt 1961      Wittkower, Rudolf. "Individualism in Art and Artists: A Renaissance Problem". Journal of the History of Ideas Jul-Sep 22.3 (61) pp.291-302
Woods 2007      Woods, Kim. Viewing Renaissance Art. Yale University Press, 2007
Wright 1998      Wright, Alison. With and without the Medici: studies in Tuscan art and Patronage 1434-1530 Ashgate, 1998

The Ottoman Empire

Agoston 2009      Agoston, Gabor. Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire. Infobase Publishing, 2009
Amirsadeghi 2010      Amirsadeghi, Hossein. Art and Patronage : The Middle East, Maryam Homavoun Eisler, 2010
Atil 1987      Atil, Esin. The Age of Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent . National Gallery of Art, Washington DC, 1987
Bagci 2012      Bagci, Serpil. Osmanli Resim Sanati (Osman Painted Art). Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı, 2012
Blair 1994      Blair, Shila S. and Jonathan M. Bloom, The Art and Architecture of Islam 1250~1800, The Yale Pelican History of Art. London, 1994
Demitras 2013      Demitras, Mine, "A study on the activities of mecenat in the Ottoman Empire", East Asia History Journal, 2013
Eldem 1934      Eldem, H.E. Nos Mosquees de Stamboul. Istanbul, 1934
Erdogan 2009      Erdogan, Sinem, The Nakkashane, Boğaziçi University Department of History 2009 http://graduatehistoryjournal.boun.edu.tr/papers/ISSUE1.2009.REPRESENTATION/3.SinemErdogan.Paper.NAKKASHANE.pdf
Faroqhi 2005      Faroqhi, Suraiyah, Subjects of the Sultan: Culture and Daily Life in the Ottoman Empire, I B Tauris, 2005
von Gladiss 2000      Gladiss, Almut von Ottoman Architecture. M. Hattestein, 2000
Goodwin 1971      Goodwin, Godfrey. A History of Ottoman Architecture. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1971
Hildenbrand 1999      Hildenbrand, Robert. Islamic Art and Architecture . London, 1999
Itzkowitz 1972      Itzkowitz, Norman, Ottoman Empire and Islamic Tradition. Chicago, 1972.
Kuran 1999      Kuran, A. The Mosque in Early Ottoman Architecture , The University of Chicago Press, 1999
Lings 1976      Lings, Martin. The Qur'anic Art of Calligraphy and Illumination, 1976
McChesney 1987      McChesney, Robert D. "Economic and Social Aspects of the Public Architecture of Bukhara in the 1560s and 1570s", Islamic Art, 2 pp.217-242, 1987
Necipoğlu 1992      Necipoğlu, Gulru, "A Kanun for the State a Canon for the Arts: Conceptualizing the Classical Synthesis of Ottoman Arts and Architecture," Soliman le Magnifique et son temps, ed. G. Veinstein, Paris 1992
Necipoğlu 2005      Gulru Necipoğlu, The Age of Sinan: Architectural Culture in the Ottoman Empire. Cloth, 2005
Raby 1982      Raby, Julian, "A Sultan of Paradox: Mehmed the Conqueror as a Patron of the Arts", The Oxford Art Journal 5-1 (1982) pp.3-8.
Saoud 2004      Saoud, Rabah, "Muslim Architecture under Ottoman Patronage (1326-1924)", Foundation for Science Technology and Civilization, 2004 http://www.muslimheritage.com/uploads/OttomanArchitecture.pdf


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