The Greek Civil War


Korean Minjok Leadership Academy
International Program
Han, Changhee
Research Paper, AP European History Class, Winter 2007



Table of Contents


I. Introduction
II. The First Round (1941-1944)
II.1 Resistance Organizations in Greece during the Occupation
II.2 British Relations with the Resistance Organizations
II.3 The Cairo Fiasco
II.4 The First Civil War
II.5 The Establishment of PEEA
II.6 The British and Soviet attitude towards Greece
II.7 PEEA's Change of Heart
III. The Second Round (1944-1946)
III.1 Problems Facing the National Government
III.2 Dekemvriana (The Second Civil War)
III.3 Churchill's Visit
III.4 The Varzika Agreement
III.5 White Terror
III.6 Elections
III.7 Plebiscite
IV. The Third Round (1946-1949)
IV.1 DSE
IV.2 U.N. Balkans Investigation Commission
IV.3 Provisional Democratic Government
IV.4 Truman Doctrine
IV.5 Yugoslavia's Break with the Soviet Union
IV.6 Markos Vafiadis' Departure
IV.7 Operations Pyravlos & Pyrsos
V. Conclusion
VI. Notes
VII. Bibliography

Teacher's Comment


I. Introduction
            After World War II, many countries that had been occupied by Germany or the Axis powers had to face severe conflicts or revolutions as there were different opinions between the Allies and the former resistance leaders of the originally occupied country, where opinions clashed on how the country will be governed. Also, the start of the clash regarding communism played a big role.
            This paper will focus on one of such conflicts, the Greek Civil War. Though there are many views on actually when the war started, in this paper there will be no mention of a definite date for when the civil war broke out. Certainly, the date of the first battle can be traced, but as wars do not concern only battles but also what caused the battles and other conflicts beside military ones. This is especially the case for the Greek Civil War, where the political situation was complex and many parties involved. Also much of the warfare was done guerrilla style, which meant that there were small battles and attacks around the country, and the war was not continuous, with the parties involved constantly changing for each new phase. So this paper looks at the war in a broader view, and tries to look at it comprehensively, investigating every important event that was related to the war, beside actual military battles.

II. The First Round (1941-1944)

II.1 Resistance Organizations in Greece during the Occupation
            In 1941, Germany succeeded in invading and occupying Greece, and the King and his government withdrew to first Crete with the remaining armed forces, and then the Middle East, later London. And with the retreat of the government, several resistance organizations were formed independently to battle with the Germans and to fill the political vacuum in the country.
            The biggest and strongest resistance movement was the EAM (Ethniko Apelefttherotiko Metopo or National Liberation Front) which was created by the communists or the KKE (Kommunistiko Komma Elladas or Communist Party of Greece) in September 1941 to provide an organized resistance and a free choice as to the form of the government on the eventual liberation of the country. Later, in 1942, KKE established its own military wing ELAS (Ethnikos Laikos Apeleftherotikos Stratos or National People's Liberation Army) under EAM. EAM/ELAS controlled large areas of the Peloponnese, Crete, Thessaly and Macedonia and its number was around 30,000, in 1944, at its height of power, rose to even almost up to 2 million.
            It enjoyed considerable support from the Greek people, as it promised a better future than what the old government was capable of providing, and in the misery of the occupation, this promise attracted many. It also targeted young people (who felt that there should be a change from the old political establishment), women (who felt oppressed by the patriarchal society) and the peasants (who felt isolated from politics) by holding out the prospect of emancipation and more involvement.
            EAM/ELAS was, however, harsh to those who were against its cause and ideas, regardless if they were Germans or or even, innocent citizens. Observers already noted the Manichean quality of EAM's worldview: "Anyone who was not on their side was naturally to be considered an enemy," noted an American liaison officer (1). They killed not only real collaborators with the Germans, but also potential enemies by having its police, the OPLA (Organosi Perifrourisi tou Laikou Agona), or the death squads, patrol areas, such creating a climate of terror. Another British officer reported in early September that "throughout Attica and Boeotia there is a reign of terror." He went on: "Over 500 have been executed within the last few weeks. Owing to the stench of rotting corpses, it is impossible to pass near a place by my camp. Lying unburied on the ground are naked corpses with their heads severed. Owing to strong reactionary elements among the people, ELAS has picked on this area." (2) Also it planned to seize the whole country, which was why they tried to eliminate other resistance organizations in order to monopolize the resistance and, after the war, remain as the sole power in Greece.
            Other non-communist resistance organizations existed, but only two had a size and strength that enabled them to hold out their own against the Germans and EAM/ELAS. One was EDES (Ethnikos Dimokratikos Ellininkos Syndesmos or National Repulican Greek League) which was formed by Napoleon Zervas and was considered second in power to EAM/ELAS. Its ideology was socialist but it lacked a consistent ideology, and its influence was centered in Epirus. The other was the EKKA (Ethniki Kai Koinoniki Apeleftherosis or National and Social Liberation) which also had a social democratic complexion, and was third in importance. The leader was Colonel Psaros, and it operated in Roumeli, Psaros's native province. It was late in amassing its power, however, and suffered from two major attacks from EAM/ELAS, almost dissolving, but later recovered.

II.2 British Relations with the Resistance Organizations
            The British had a certain strategic interest in Greece because of its geographical position in the Mediterranean, which is why it considered Greece under its own influence and responsibility and participated actively in the resistance activities and politics in the country. For instance, saboteurs from the British Special Operations Executive parachuted into Greece and with help from both ELAS and EDES, forming a shaky alliance for the time being, in November 1942, successfully destructed the Gorgopotamos bridge, which carried the Salonica-Athens railway line, one of the most spectacular achievements of the resistance in occupied Europe.
            However, Britain was to clash with EAM/ELAS, the strongest force inside Greece, as its post-war plans for Greece conflicted with EAM¡¯s, because first, Britain supported the return of King George ¥± and the government-in-exile that was currently stationed in Cairo with British authorities, and second, EAM/ELAS was under the influence of KKE, the Communist party.
            Before the occupation of Greece by Germany, a dictatorship existed in Greece under the rule of General Ioannis Mexatas, which caused much suffering for the Greek people. It was considered by many that the king had given assent to Mexatas' rise to dictator; thus, the king was also responsible for the dictatorship. Because of this view on the royalty, the majority of Greece was against the re-establishment of a monarchy, including EAM/ELAS.
            Then why did Britain pledge to support King George II.? Partly it was due to Winston Churchill, the British Prime Minister, feeling a sense of comradeship towards King George II. as Greece stood staunchly as Britain's only ally in Europe in 1940-1941. But probably it was more because of the fact that EAM/ELAS was communist in nature. The basic problem of Britain regarding the Greek situation was whether EAM/ELAS would seize power at the time of liberation and the last thing Britain wanted to see in Greece was a communist government, especially when the Soviet Union was planning to strengthen its hold on the countries close to it after the war. To prevent such an unfortunate incident, Britain instead decided to use the king in an effort to rally against EAM/ELAS, preventing them from assuming political predominance.
            EAM/ELAS was showing the most effective opposition against the Germans in the region that was militarily most important, so Britain was providing the organization with supplies, but to take care of the long-term consequences, it was also considering financing EDES to have an anti-communist organization that could face EAM/ELAS later on. And the British put pressure on Zervas, making him change his republicanism towards support of the monarchy. The current situation was that the government-in-exile in Cairo and EDES was following orders given by the British, while EAM/ELAS kept acting independently.

II.3 The Cairo Fiasco
            There were efforts to achieve some cooperation between the resistance organizations and the government-in-exile. But they abysmally failed and ended in a fatal effort in Cairo in 1943. On August 9, a delegation of the resistance force, including emissaries of EAM/ELAS, took off from a small airport in the Greek mountains to Egypt to meet the British authorities, the king and the government-in-exile. (R. Clogg : The fact that this delegation was able to fly from an improvised landing strip is testimony to the fact that large areas of mountain Greece were by this time under resistance control (3)) Though there was a meeting, there failed to be any negotiation between the parties.
            The EAM/ELAS had two basic demands: first, that it receives the control of a number of key ministries, especially the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Justice, and the Ministry of Defense, second, that there be a plebiscite that would decide whether the king should return or not, so the people would decide.
            For the first demand, it was impossible to comply with as it meant giving complete power to EAM/ELAS. As one person put it, "For if I hold the Ministry of the Interior, my police arrest you. If I hold the Ministry of Justice, my courts try and imprison you; and if I hold the Ministry of Defense, should you escape, my troops will hunt you down." (4) And as for the second demand, at that time, it was already decided in Cairo that the king would enter the country once liberation came. So both demands were rejected, and the whole meeting was a failure, only creating ill feelings between the parties.

II.4 The First Civil War
            In October 9, 1943, civil war erupted in central and western Greece when ELAS attacked EDES under the accusation of collaborating with the occupation authorities. It was clearly an effort of ELAS to fulfill its objective of seizing power. Cairo, hearing this news, decided to suspend both parties¡¯ supplies, but after finding out that ELAS was the aggressor, supplies to Zervas were actually increased, while for ELAS, Churchill gave the order that 'EAM and ELAS should be starved and struck by every means in our power' (5). The cut on supplies was not as effective as Cairo had predicted, as on September 8, 1943 Italy surrendered and during its retreat, it had dropped much of its weaponry which ELAS had conveniently picked up.
            German occupation authorities were naturally delighted by the outbreak of a civil war between the resistance organizations as their opponents were fighting with each other, which meant less trouble for them. They created the 'Security Battalions', armed forces under the occupation government which was consisted of collaborators and people who feared communism more than their dislike of Nazism.
            The civil war ended in early February 1944, and a conference was held at Plaka where representatives of EAM/ELAS, EDES and EKKA convened. But soon, EKKA's representative strongly voiced his disapproval of whatever actions EAM/ELAS took and would take and stated his stance would be support of whatever EDES decided to do, while EDES kept asking the British for advice. Eventually, the conference became a twosome, between the British and EAM/ELAS, instead of between the three organizations which was what originally planned.
            On February 29, 1944, a new agreement was signed by the three parties that would be later known as the Plaka agreement. By signing the Plaka accord the resistance organizations undertook the obligation not to fight among themselves, to stay within the area occupied by each one respectively at that date, and to combat the enemy separately or together. (6) Also, it was agreed that movements of guerilla bands into each other's territory in case of operational necessity should not be regarded as hostile acts justifying resumption of civil war (7).

II.5 The Establishment of PEEA
            In 1944, KKE had almost everything. It had the lands that EAM/ELAS was in control of, which was the majority of Greece, a functioning administration and a strong army. But it didn't have one thing, which the government-in-exile did have, which was political legitimacy. It was not recognized by the Allies as legitimate, and its actions and words did not carry much authority.
            And this was why, on March 26, 1944, KKE established its own government, the PEEA (Politiki Epitropi Ethnikis Apeleftherosis or Political Committee of National Liberation), for the purpose of isolating the government-in-exile and downgrading its legitimacy. It was a direct challenge to the government-in-exile, for it was a government in everything but name. Its officials were called Secretaries, rather than Ministers, but their power was real, in fact in many ways more real than the power of the Ministers in Cairo. Its program of action, too, certainly was the program of a government - of a social-democratic Government: free elections to a constituent assembly, a free plebiscite on the monarchy, territorial claims against Bulgaria and Albania, social justice but respect for private property, respect for religion. (8) And though PEEA was not acknowledged by the Allies, at least its communist allies did. For example, the Moscow Radio declared that the government-in-exile did not represent anyone, while Tito of Yugoslavia also officially declared that the PEEA was legitimate.
            This emergence of the PEEA or 'Government of the Mountains' as people called it, sparked a mutiny inside the Greek Armed Forces that were situated in Cairo. On March 31, in Egypt, officers of the army, navy and air force asked Prime Minister Emmanuel Tsouderos to resign, while some days later, several officers were arrested or actually thrown into the sea by their own troops. The mutiny kept spreading and several units of the army were commanded by non-commissioned officers until it was subdued with the assault on the mutinous brigade on the 22nd, and by the 24th, British troops had surrounded the ships.
            Though this mutiny did not last long, it did affect the government-in-exile with severe consequences. When the mutiny had arisen, Tsouderous, at last, realized that there was need of changes and cooperation, and sent an invitation to all three resistance organizations to participate in a conference in Lebanon. The King himself came back from Cairo on April 12.
            The British needed a person who was an able politician with a strong personality, an anti-communist and also ready to follow Britain's orders as a prime minister in the new National Government, where they planned to unite all parties against the EAM and then invite EAM to join. They found such a person in George Papandreou, the leader of the Democratic-Socialist party, and he acted as the president of the conference to construct a government of national unity.
            By having EAM enter the National government, the British believed that it could reduce EAM's power as it would become no more than a minority. Also, the British hoped that through this decision to join, it would be difficult for EAM to suddenly seize power after Liberation. They knew that EAM's role in the government was important for the unopposed arrival of the British forces and the National Government in Greece as well, as it could secure a political stability needed for a safe entrance. If the EAM decided not to join, the British were planning to denounce it in front of the people by saying that it impeded the course of national unity, which would diminish its reputation and popularity. In either way, they believed it would be a win-win situation.
            After four days of fierce discussion, from May 17th to 20th , the "Lebanon Agreement" was compromised. It was basically a repetition of the Plaka agreement for the guerilla forces, but this agreement had a much bigger goal, a National Government where all parties would be united. EAM was allotted 5 insignificant ministries in the new Papandreou government, but the delegates went back to 'the mountains' to consult the communist leadership on whether to accept or not. The concessions were repudiated right away by PEEA and it seemed that once again, a conference went awry.

II.6 Britain and Soviet Union regarding Greece
            While Greece was convening to decide its fate in Lebanon, the leaders of Britain and the Soviet Union met to decide Greece's fate. In early October, Churchill and his Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, arrived in Moscow to meet Stalin. Roosevelt, at that time, was busy with the coming Presidential elections and did not join. Churchill, after seeing Russian troops enter Romania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, was worried of Soviet predominance in south-east Europe and was determined to stop the expansion of the empire Stalin was building, especially in the Mediterranean. On October 9, 1944, Churchill and Stalin sat down and discussed on the fate of Europe.

            Churchill : ".. I stated: 'Let us settle about our affairs in the Balkans. Your armies are in Romania and Bulgaria. We have interests, missions, and agents there. Don't let us get at cross-purposes in small ways. So far as Britain and Russia are concerned, how would it do for you to have ninety percent of predominance in Romania, for us to have ninety percent of the say in Greece, and go fifty-fifty about Yugoslavia?"
            While this was being translated I wrote out on a half-sheet of paper:

      Romania : Russia - 90%, The others - 10%
      Greece : Great Britain - 90% (in accord with the U.S.A.) Russia - 10%
      Yugoslavia - 50-50%
      Hungary - 50-50%
      Bulgaria : Russia - 75% The others - 25%

            I pushed this across to Stalin, who had by then heard the translation. There was a slight pause. Then he took his blue pencil and made a large tick upon it, and passed it back to us. It was all settled in no more time than it takes to set down.
            After this there was a long silence. The pencilled paper lay in the centre of the table. At length I said, 'Might it not be thought rather cynical if it seemed we had disposed of these issues, so fateful to millions of people, in such an offhand manner? Let us burn the paper.' 'No, you keep it,' said Stalin."
(9)

            This would be later known as the 'Percentages Agreement', because of the percentages of interest agreed by both leaders. There was later more discussions regarding Yugoslavia, Hungary and Bulgaria, but for Romania and Greece, the matter was settled. This agreement indicated that the Soviet Union did not have much interest in Greece or even if it did, after this meeting it decided to pay more attention on other matters. Stalin had occupied most of the Balkans and had his way in several important issues, such as the ones regarding Poland and the Baltic countries, which was why he had to give something up to remain friendly with the Allies, who were still very useful to him.

II.7 PEEA's Change of Heart
            The communist government in Greece had no knowledge of such a secret meeting had taken place, which was why they would have been probably surprised to hear what the Russian officers, who on the evening of July 25, 1944, arrived at the mountains of ELAS by airplane, advised them to do. The British had an unpleasant surprise when they heard of this mission, up to the point where they were almost shocked. Eden remarked that "On the face of it this may be a Russian attempt to complete Communist domination of the Balkans and I think we should make it pretty plain that we are not standing for it in Greece.", while one British officer estimated that this "attempt by the Russians to build up EAM means that probably 80,000 rather than 10,000 British troops would have to be sent to Greece." But in the end, it was the British who benefited.
            It is not known what actually went on between PEEA and the Russian officers, nor the consequences of the talks. The fact is that on August 2, only a week after the arrival of the Russians, the EAM representatives showed a sudden about-face by resuming contact with the Papandreou government, and on September 2, six representatives of EAM/ELAS were sworn in as members of the National Government. Some say that by EAM/ELAS backing down to accepting a subordinate position in the new government, it lost its best opportunity of seizing power in Greece.
            Later on September 26, 1944, the treaty of Caserta was signed between the Supreme Allied Force, ELAS and EDES. According to the treaty, "all the guerilla forces, as well as the regular forces which would land in Greece, agreed to place themselves under the orders of General Ronald Scobie, representative of the Supreme Allied Command. It was further agreed that any act opposed to the orders of General Scobie would be considered a crime." (10)

III. The Second Round (1944-1946)

III.1 Problems Facing the National Government
            On October 18, 1944, the Papandreou government entered liberated Athens. (Originally the return was planned on the day before. However, that meant landing on a Tuesday, always of ill omen for the Greeks as it was the day on which Constantinople had fallen to the Turks. So it was delayed by twenty-four hours.) It was accompanied by a small British force to ensure protection from an unexpected communist takeover. The king remained in Cairo, as Papandreou had promised to have a referendum that would decide the form of the government before the king would return.
            Though the government was welcomed by cheering crowds, this atmosphere of festivity did not last long. The situation of Greece was very serious, and the new government was soon up to its neck with multiple problems. Winter was near and the country was devastated and isolated. Food and medicine, shoes and clothing, all were unavailable (except to those very few who had some money). "The main ports - Piraeus among them - had suffered serious damage; most of the bridges on roads and rail lines had been blown up; transportation in the interior of the country was deplorable. For instance, as the Corinth Canal was closed, one had to go around the Peloponnese in order to travel from the west coast to the east coast by sea." (11). "Disease (particularly tuberculosis) was rampant, the consequence of years of malnutrition; inflation, which had already reached astronomical proportions during the occupation, was again spiralling out of control (the only money with any value was the British gold sovereign)." (12)
            And the most of the country, especially the large military centers, such as Larissa, and Thessalonike, was still dominated by the EAM/ELAS; only Athens was under the control of the government. It was said that " 'ELAS is a State by itself within the Greek State': that is surely right, unless it perhaps exaggerates the power of the Greek state itself at a moment when it barely extended outside the center of Athens." (13) Even for the entrance of the government, the safety was barely ensured by the Caserta Treaty; all around the country, ELAS was massacring collaborators and Security Battalions, under its own legal system or the 'People's Courts.' Though the Papandreou government issued the Constitutional Act 1, which the laid down procedures for the trial of collaborators, still, justice was very being much run by the EAM/ELAS, not the government.
            But one problem loomed above all, the problem regarding demobilization of the guerilla armies and the constitution of a national army. Although the ELAS forces, which was about 60,000 men, the largest armed force in Greece, was under the command of General Scobie by the Caserta Treaty, the British considered it as a potential threat to the government. On Nov. 17, General Scobie issued an order stating that "if armed ELAS patrols continued to enter Athens, contrary to agreement, the British troops would be forced to disarm them." (14) and on Nov. 22, he met the leaders of EDES and ELAS and asked them to demobilize their units, fixing the Dec. 10 as the date for disarmament.
            However, while EDES readily complied with the Gen. Scobie's request to demobilize (they were already doing it by themselves), negotiations with the Left (in Greece, this would indicate the communists) failed to produce results and the ELAS went on the offensive.

III.2 Dekemvriana (The Second Civil War)
            The ministers who were members of the PEEA resigned from Papandreou¡¯s cabinet on December 2, and the government issued a decree that all resistance organizations would be dissolved, while anyone who possessed weaponry of any kind were expected to surrender himself to the authorities. KKE responded by organizing a mass demonstration in the center of Athens, and ordering the workers to go on a strike the next day, on December 4.
            On December 3, the day of the demonstration, at about 10:50, several hundred people, who were followed by some 60,000 people, were shot down by British troops and the police by machine guns in Syntagma Square, Athens, resulting in 25 deaths and more than 150 people wounded. This massacre and the six weeks of fighting that followed it are known as the Dekemvriana.
            ELAS troops started entering the outlying districts of Athens and of Piraeus. And on the morning of December 5, Churchill sent a cable to Gen. Scobie : "Without bloodshed, if possible, but with bloodshed if inevitable. Do not hesitate to act as if you were in an occupied town and a local revolt was being launched." (15) The war was on, starting with the ELAS attacking police station, and within a few days, battles between the ELAS units and British forces raged on the streets of Athens.
            At first, ELAS troops had the upper hand; the occupied nearly all the police stations and controlled all of the road from Piraeus to Athens, while putting up barricades and attacking here and there with overwhelming fire-power. Eventually, only about an area of three square kilometers in the center of Athens remained as the British-Greek "free zone", under the control of Gen. Scobie who was directing a very uneven battle. He, while resisting coolly, reported to his superiors and informed them that, without adequate reinforcements, nothing could be done. In the rest of the country, ELAS had no need to fight, as its paramilitary and civil organizations were dominating the areas, that no one could challenge it. Athens was the center stage of the civil war.
            But certain factors were slowly turning the tide in favor of the British and the National Government. First, ELAS made the ambitious decision to take over Epirus, the center of EDES. On December 18, fifteen thousand of ELAS's best fighters marched to Epirus and attacked EDES from the south and the east. However it failed to capture EDES's leader, Zervas, and ELAS had just used its best troops far away from Athens, when the time was most critical. Second, reinforcements came in and the Greek and British forces were know supported by firepower of its own, RAF planes, artillery, mortars and some tanks.

III.3 Churchill's Visit
            Winston Churchill decide to visit the battlefield himself and on the day of Christmas, accompanied by Anthony Eden, Minister Resident Harold Macmillan, and Field Marshal Alexander, he came to the burning city of Athens and organized a meeting, under the presidency of Archbishop Damaskinos, where the representatives of all Greek political parties participated. His dramatic intervention did affect the morale of the troops: for the British a good sign, while for the ELAS a much negative influence. Apart from that, in the meeting, there was little immediate result, but Churchill finally realized that there was a need of setting up a regency to consider the plebiscite on the constitutional issue and became aware of the feeling against the return of the king before the plebiscite. He also came to recognize and admire Archbishop Damaskinos, whom he had first considered as a 'pestilent priest, a survival from the Middle Ages.' (16)
            Churchill now tried to persuade King George II., who he once actively supported, to accept the regency under Archbishop Damaskinos. The king at first opposed the establishment, as that meant his return would be delayed even more. But after listening to Churchill's consistent advice, on December 30, accepted the regency and announced that he would return to Greece only if the plebiscite that would be held agreed to have a constitutional monarchy. And the next day, the Archbishop was sworn in as regent, while Papandreou was replaced as minister by the veteran General Plastiras.

III.4 The Varzika Agreement
            On the 29th, in the last important battle where Greek-British forces opposed an entire ELAS division, the former managed to win and ELAS had begun withdrawal, while some units were actually fleeing. A cease-fire was agreed to begin on January 15, while more specific details would be discussed on January 21. "As for the conditions of the cease-fire agreement the ELAS forces had to be 150 kilometers from the capital while Thessalonike, the Peloponese, and all the islands were to be evacuated." (17) And on February 12, 1945, KKE accepted a compromise which became to be known as the Agreement of Varzika.
            "The text of the agreement is comprised of about fifteen hundred words divided into nine chapters that concern the following: the restoration of individual liberties, the abolition of martial law, amnesty, hostages, the national army, demobilization of ELAS, purging of the security forces and the referendum on the form of regime and elections." (18)
            Basically there were three major points in the Varzika agreement. The first one was regarding the demobilization of ELAS, a preliminary condition to the whole agreement. It surrendered "40,000 rifles, some 2,000 machine guns and sub-machine guns, 160 mortars and dozens of field guns had been delivered" (19), more than what had been called for. The second factor was that that the plebiscite of the monarchy should be followed by elections. The final point, and one that would influence Greece for the next several years, was regarding the amnesty granted by the government.
            In the amnesty clause, all the offenses committed during the December events, or Dekemvriana, were pardoned, except "common-law crimes against life and property which were not absolutely necessary to the achievement of the political crime concerned." (20) Though 'political' crimes were pardoned, because of the word 'except', multiple interpretations of the term 'common-law crimes' were used, and this later facilitated the mass prosecution of EAM/ELAS members.
            And thus, the second civil war, Dekemvriana ended. Thousands were killed and more damage was done on the infrastructure and buildings of Athens during the few weeks of Dekemvriana than what was done during the Nazi occupation.

III.5 White Terror
            After the Liberation, the punishment of collaborators and war criminals was an important issue. However, after the Dekemvriana and the Varzika Agreement, instead of commitments to purge former Security Battalionists and collaborators, the focus was more on the Left, the former members of EAM/ELAS. As the power of the Right was growing stronger and stronger, a ludicrous situation took place where collaborators were actually given more and more immunity and less attention, while brutal and indiscriminate revenge on the Left was going on. "In March, former agents of OPLA were sentenced to death at about the same time as collaborators with the German Secret Service were given short prison terms: a senior judge ordered an enquiry into the conduct of some of the judges in the collaborationist courts, but apparently to little effect. There was further public concern when a former Battalion officer was acquitted for shooting dead a member of the EP who had tried to arrest him in Central Athens the previous October." (21)
            "In 1945, according to the British Legal Mission to Greece, 50,000 people had been arrested while in October, 16,700 were held in jail. Moreover, the demobilization of ELAS gave ultra-right and royalist bands the opportunity to terrorize the countryside: within one year after the Varzika Agreement, through February 1946, 1,192 people had been murdered, 159 women raped, and 6,413 wounded by the ultra-rightists." (22)
            "In Agrinion, where 'the new force of Gendarmerie is arresting about three persons per day, mostly on charges of murder', junior gendarmerie personnel were more or less out of control: they shocked the town by desecrating the graves of former memebers of ELAS who had been shot by the Germans; later, without instructions from the legal authorities, they arrested prominent members of EAM, including a former mayor of the town, on a charge of having participated in an ELAS court martial. Such cases of violence and persecution could also be seen in the village of Levadhia, 'where the soldiers and NCOs of the Gendarmerie continue to tear down pictures of Marshal Stalin', and Tripolis where the National Guard engaged in 'beatings up, arrests without warrant for interrogation, burning of newspapers, robbery, smashing up the Left-wing press and arming of civilians.' " (23)
            The Athens government showed again a lack of control over the country as it had showed in 1944 after its arrival. The only difference was that while a year ago, the government was facing challenges from the Left; in the autumn of 1945, its authority was being threatened by the Right. Only Athens was subject to the rule of the government; outside the city, justice was in the hands of the Right.

III.6 Elections
            General Plastiras and, after him, Admiral Voulgaris both failed to deal with the confusion and disorder. Some people said that by having the elections, things might be set right again. But under the current situation, such elections was simply impossible, the country didn't allow it.
            At the end of 1945, with some strong British intervention, the 85 year old leader of the Liberals, Themistoklis Sophoulis, established a new government. And he announced that, contrary to the order agreed at Varzika, the elections would be held on March 31, 1946, before the plebiscite. The Great Powers were invited to send observers to ensure the fairness and freedom of the elections. While United States, United Kingdom and France agreed, while the Soviet Union declined.
            KKE also declined to have any part in the elections and decided to abstain. This led to only 60% of the potential voters actually voting (the actual number is unsure, the Allied Mission declared that abstention was only about "between 10 and 20% at the maximum, with a probability of 15%¡±" (24)), and the results turned out to be much favorable for the coalition of the royalists. Among the coalition, the Populist party, which was under Constantinos Tsaldaris, was the winner, by claiming 171 seats out of the 204 won by the coalition.
            There is still much controversy on whether the results of the elections were legitimate or not, considering the number of people who abstained from voting and the current disorder of the country which made fair elections difficult. But in any case, the official announcement of the Allied Mission for Observing the Greek Elections was that "a true and valid verdict of the Greek people" (25) was made.

III.7 Plebiscite
            The new government headed by Tsaldaris decided that the plebiscite should be done sooner than the original plan, on March 1948, and brought forward the date to September 1, 1946. Again, the government invited representatives from other nations to check on the validity of the electoral lists, which was revised for the first time since 1936. After six weeks, the Allied Mission declared that it was "satisfied that the revision and recompilation of the lists attained a degree of fairness and accuracy which justifies their use in seeking the opinion of the Greek people on matters of national import." (26)
            Of the 1,801,140 registered voters 1,691,592 voted, and 68% of these voted for the return of the king while 11.3% went against, the remaining 20% leaving their votes blank. The results showed that the majority of the people wanted the king to return, which was again, claimed as a dubious result by some considering the civil strife prevailing throughout the country. The popular verdict was clearly unfavorable to the King in Crete and in the cities of Piraeus and Thessalonike, while it was particularly favorable in the provinces and regions which had suffered most from the civil war during the occupation (27). Though there was a controversy, the results can be said to be reflecting the view of many who believed that having a monarchy would be a lesser evil than the establishment of a communist regime.
            On September 27, King George II. returned to Athens and assumed his duties. The regency by Archbishop Damaskinos which was instituted in December 1944, had finally came to an end.

IV The Third Round (1946-1949)

IV.1 DSE
            Many followers of the ELAS managed to escape from the Right in their reign of 'White Terror' and were hiding, mostly around the frontier, mainly in Yugoslavia. "Reorganization began with the former officers of ELAS from the towns of Naoussa and Volos, towns which had the largest percentages of leftist militants. Others, originating elsewhere, joined them gradually and soon these first initiates restored throughout all of northern Greece the supply corps of ELAS. Very secretly, during the first half of 1946, they compiled lists of all arms and ammunition stocks, saw to their safekeeping and, for greater security, transported to foreign territory those that were near the frontier. Supply centers were set up just beyond the Greek frontiers, and a large camp to the north of Belgrade, at Bulkes, which was already sheltering thousands of ELAS refugees in Yugoslavia, was used for the training of the 'Democratic Army'." (28)
            On December 15, 1945, in the Bulgarian town of Petric, the Central Committee of the KKE and Yugoslav and Bulgarian officers met and decided to reorganize the remnants of ELAS under the name of the "Democratic Army" or DSE (Dimokratikos Stratos Elladas). And with the attack of a police station in Littochoron, its operations were started. Civil war in Greece had just erupted again.
            In August 1946, the Central Committee of the KKE appointed a military chief and put the whole army of DSE under him. He was Markos Vafiadis, an ELAS veteran, later known as simply General Markos, and under him DSE flourished.
            DSE used 'hit and run' tactics effectively with small bands of soldiers. "They consisted of five to ten men in the beginning, thirty to eighty later on, rarely more. They were almost always former members of ELAS and had as leaders those guerrillas who had proven themselves. Their arms were in excellent condition, but light: some rifles, light machine guns and grenades. Each band usually had its own small area and lived at the expense of the inhabitants from raids which it made. But light as they were, they could unite and constitute a force capable of undertaking more serious operations. As soon as these were completed the force dispersed again into small scattered units. The lack of uniforms made their appearance and disappearance easier. " (29)
            The month of September was full of raids and attacks by the DSE. In September 14, the village of Aliakmon, on the 19th, Pyrsoyianni, near the Albanian frontier, on the 20th, the village of Sourvena near the Yugoslav frontier, on the 24th, Deskati, a large village not far from the frontier of Macedonia was attacked. Always the tactics were the same : "simultaneous attacks in small groups from various directions; coordinated efforts against gendarmerie stations and the extermination of personnel, followed by mutilation of the head of each station if he fell into their hands; execution of some important citizens known to be rightists; and, finally, the carrying off food. " (30)
            It helped that many of the attacks were done on the frontier, because the DSE was receiving considerable help from the three Communist countries north of Greece, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania. "These three countries not only allowed the guerrillas to freely cross over their frontiers which were impossible for Greece to guard because of their length, but they also assisted them in many other ways. Centers for training supply were formed; small bases were set up near the frontiers and means of transport were given." (31)
            At first, the majority of the people did not fully understand what was happening. With the elections and plebiscite, it had seemed that finally peace and order was instituted, and now suddenly, again, there were reported cases of attacks. These attacks were reported as simply attacks by bandits, which could not last. It was after several months when the public finally realized that another revolution was starting.

IV.2 U.N. Balkans Investigation Commission
            At the United Nations Security Council in August 1946, U.S.S.R blamed the Greek government for its actions in exacerbating the war and attacked the presence of the British troops as "a decisive encouragement for the c rushing of a democracy and for aggression against neighboring countries" (32). And it later submitted a draft resolution where the Greek government will take all the blame and would cease to persecute the national minorities in the country.
            Greece came up with a resolution of its own in December 1946, where an investigation would be done on its northern frontiers. "On Dec. 19 the Security Council voted unanimously to send an investigating commission to the Balkans to begin its work by Jan.15. The commission was to consist of representatives of each of the 11 nations forming the Security Council and to have the right to travel anywhere in Greece, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Albania. U.S.S.R. which had vetoed a similar plan on Sept. 20 agreed this time to it, though it maintained, as did Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and Albania, that the real cause of the trouble was the 're-actionary' government of Greece." (33)
            The U.N. Balkans Investigation Commission met in Athens on January 29, 1947, and proceeded to visit various places while interviewing many witnesses, including representatives of the Left, active captains of DSE and deserters. After finishing its job, it moved to Geneva, Switzerland on April 7, and on May 23, submitted a report to the Security Council. The report consisted of two parts, one dealing with recommendations and the other on conclusions. The findings of the commission were "(1) that Yugoslavia, and to a lesser extent Albania and Bulgaria, supported the guerrilla warfare in Greece; (2) that Yugoslavia had established a camp at Bulkes where Greeks were subjected to political indoctrination aiming at overthrow of the Greek government, and were sent back to Greece to join the rebels after receiving political and military training; (3) that Albania had established a camp at Rubig where political and military training for Greek refugees was provided; (4) that Bulgaria facilitated the crossing of frontiers by Greek guerrillas, provided hospital facilities for them and supplied them with arms; (5) that Yugoslavia and Bulgaria openly supported a Macedonian seperatist movement." (34) Basically, the report confirmed to the world that Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania were helping the Greek communists in their war.

IV.3 Provisional Democratic Government
            Nikos Zachariadis was the original General Secretary of KKE, appointed by order of Stalin and the Comintern in 1935. However, he was arrested during the Mexatas regime in August 1936, and spent 9 years in the Dachau Concentration camp. He was released in 1945 and assumed his duty as the General Secretary.
            When the U.N. Balkans Investigation Commission was going on its tour, he managed to meet with the Soviet and Polish delegations of the commission and what he heard was quite reassuring and hopeful. "They told him that they had been very much impressed by all that they had seen and that they believed that victory was quite probable. They promised to mention in their report that the DAG must receive unreserved support. They said that things seemed ripe for the Party to adopt the armed struggle officially and that the leadership of the Party must take a definite position. And finally, they asserted something very important. If the DAG, they said, could dominate a small region and form a provisional government there, this government would be recognized immediately by all the socialist countries. Then, commercial agreements could be signed with this government and the socialist countries would be able officially to offer all the material assistance needed." (35)
            After this meeting, Zachariadis participated at the annual conference of the French Communist Party in Strasbourg and announced that "all of the political, military and international conditions existed for the creation of a Free Government in Greece." (36) The Greek government, on seeing this official proclamation, realized that the Soviet Union was hopeful of a Communist victory and it had given the KKE the right and the support to form an independent government. This carried another implication. From now on, any large scale operation in northern Greece would be carried out with the intent to secure a capital for the new government.
            During the whole year of 1947, the internal state of Greece was in total disarray. Not a day went by without some news of attacks and raids by the DSE. "In April 1947, the number of guerillas exceeded 16,000. There were also some thousands of men in the auxiliary services, thousands of liaison, informers, and contributors to various secret funds, without speaking of thousands of men and women "sympathizers." (37) And the national army was having a hard time facing this enemy, which struck quickly and disappeared before they had any chance to retaliate. The government during this period was active on its own to face the DSE, such as enacting "a new amnesty act by which any rebel surrendering to the authorities within 30 days would not be prosecuted for offenses committed by him in so far as they related to rebellion or sedition, and would be immediately set free" (38) and an emergency press law giving the judicial authorities power to order the suspension of any newspaper inciting to rebellion; the communist newspapers Rizospastis and Eleftheri Ellada were suspended (39). However, their actions weren¡¯t much of a use; for the amnesty act, only a total of 9,066 had given themselves up.
            On December 24, a broadcast was made on the DSE radio station, announcing that a Provisional Democratic Government of Free Greece had been formed with Markos Vafiadis as the prime minister. According to the proclamation, the principal aim of the Provisional Democratic Government was "to mobilize all the popular forces in order: a) to liberate the country promptly from the yoke of foreign imperialists and their local lackeys; b) to assure national sovereignty; c) to defend national integrity from all foreign imperialistic claims; d) to assure the victory of Democracy, recognizing complete equality for all national minorities and their right of free national development; e) to create a strong people's army, navy and air force belonging to a strong Greece, able to defend its national sovereignty, its independence and integrity against all foreign imperialistic claims, in close brotherly cooperation with all friendly neighboring countries." (40) As the Greek government had correctly predicted, a new government was formed under the DSE. Now all it needed was a capital. And the DSE picked Konitsa, near the border of Albania.
            Just before dawn on Christmas Day, Markos' men launched a surprise attack on the town of 5,000 inhabitants. However, the troops there were alerted and the DSE, seeing that it lost its element of surprise, instead went on a full-scale attack. The battle raged on and on and now it became a matter of whose reinforcements came first. On the 29th, a resolution was passed by the United Nations Special Committee on the Balkans (U.N.S.C.O.B) to the effect that "even de facto recognition of the Markos government and any direct or indirect assistance given to an insurrectionary movement against the government of a member of the United Nations would constitute a grave threat to the maintenance of international peace or security" (41) and as reinforcements for the rebel government failed to come, the reinforcements for the national army did, on the 30th. DSE had failed to secure its capital. And it would keep being on the downfall with the rise of several factors which acted against its favor.

IV.4 The Truman Doctrine
            Since 1946, Britain, which had been solely providing aid for Greece, had begun to feel its burden and inform United States that it no longer had the resources to hold on to it anymore as it also had other concerning matters. "On February 21, 1947, British warnings became persistent in two diplomatic dispatches that were handed to the American Secretary of State. In one, the British government recalled the similarity of views of the two governments on the need for preserving Greek independence. In the other was an account of the country's economic plight which stressed that it would be impossible for a solution to be found if the Greek government did not eliminate the guerilla bands. During 1947, it stated, Greece would need aid amounting to from 240 to 280 million dollars in foreign exchange. The British government hoped that, after April 1, this economic and military assistance would be given by the United States." (42) The Greek government, as well, contacted United States on March 3, and informed them of their severe financial difficulties while appealing for aid and equipment for the troops.
            On March 12, 1947, United States replied to the call. President Truman made the proclamation in an address to the U.S. Congress, "Greece must have assistance if she is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply that assistance." (43) And he asked Congress to grant aid to both Greece and Turkey or watch the two countries fall to communism, as he put it, "If Greece was lost, Turkey would become an untenable outpost in a sea of communism. Similarly, if Turkey yielded to Soviet demands, the position of Greece would be extremely endangered." (44) On May 22, the Congress approved of the proposal and Truman signed the act into law. Thus it was decided that a total of $400 million ($300 million to Greece, $100 million to Turkey) would be used for military and financial aid.
            Though the DSE saw some support for its neighboring countries, it was nothing compared to the massive aid United States administered to the Greek government. And the Americans restricted themselves to the roles of observers and advisors, never the actual decision-makers, which would be probably why the aid could be used more effectively.

IV.5 Yugoslavia's Break with the Soviet Union
            The relations between Stalin and Tito were worsening by the day. Stalin thought of his own personal supremacy, but Tito failed to match that idea, ruling his own country, Yugoslavia, with force and almost independently. And there were more serious matters as well. Tito kept on with his claims for recovery of territory : the claim for recovery of Trieste from Italy, of South Carinthia from Austria, and Aegean Macedonia from Greece, and of Pirin Macedonia from Bulgaria. Stalin didn't like Tito's indirect but firm control on Albania as well. Also, Tito's attempt to make Bulgaria a member of the Federation of Yugoslav States, not a Balkan federation as Moscow planned was irritating Stalin.
            Seeing that its attempts to establish a Bulgaro-Yugoslav federation was without results, the Soviet Union abruptly stopped trade with Yugoslavia, which was quite a big blow for the latter as it depended much of its exports and imports on the former. But, Tito refused to bow down and refused to follow the Soviets' directions to form a federation.
            The International Communist Summit met without the Yugoslavs in Bucharest on June 20, 1948, and eight days later, a unanimous resolution by the Cominform was given to the news media. "Yugoslavia was accused of following an erroneous line, of abandoning Marxism-Leninism, of slandering the Soviet Union, of abolishing 'democracy' in the affairs of the party, of deserting the family of Communist parties by following leaders imbued with nationalist and revisionist ideas." (45) In short, it was expelled from the communist world. All communist parties agreed with this condemnation and one by one denounced Yugoslavia and its leader, Tito.
            KKE was in a tight spot. "To condemn Tito meant to deprive themselves of the main source of arms, ammunition and food, plus the loss of their bases and free crossing of the Yugoslav border in both directions. On the other hand, to condemn Stalin meant the same losses on the Albanian and Bulgarian side and, what is more, isolation from the whole communist world" (46). It was in a very shaky position.
            At first, Tito didn¡¯t stop his assistance towards the KKE. He wanted to show his loyalty to the international movement, and if the KKE secured a victory, that would be a definite plus for him. However there arose two factors that changed his position: one, the tide of the war was going against DSE, second, as Stalin was giving pressure on the foreign commerce of Yugoslavia, Tito had to open itself to the Western world; thus, to show a better side, it had to change its positions on several issues, including the Greek Civil War. Slowly Tito began to diminish his aid and facilities and on July 10th, in a speech the Yugoslav premier made at Pola in Istria, "he announced that the Greek-Yugoslav frontier would be progressively closed, 'because of numerous incidents, because of the deaths of several Yugoslavs during these incidents, and finally, because of the false news broadcast by DAG, according to which the Greek army had been authorized cross the border to attack the enemy.' " (47) Yugoslavia's presence in the Greek Civil War was officially over.

IV.6 Markos Vafiadis' Departure
            On February 4, 1949, the radio station of the Provisional Government read out the decisions that had been taken on January 30 and 31 by the Central Committee of the KKE. "It had met in plenum - the 5th - at Mount Grammos, a part of which near the border had been reoccupied by DAG. Now, by this communique the Party announced that: 'taking into consideration that for several months comrades Chrissa Hatzivassiliou and Markos Vafiadis were gravely ill and therefore, could not fulfill the duties assigned to them by the Central Committee, it has decided unanimously to relieve them of all Party jobs.' " (48)
            Of course, Markos Vafiadis was not ill nor was Chrissa Hatzivassilou. Vafiadis was expelled, and Hatzivassilou was expelled as she supported him. Markos Vafiadis had a long enmity with Zachariadis, because of two big clashes. First, they differed on how DSE should be militarily organized. Zachariadis believed that for a government, an official army, which could be used for winning battles and occupying regions, should be shaped. Vafiadis had a different view, which may have been the more practical one, in that the DSE should keep using guerilla tactics to face the national army as this method brought in the most successes compared to open battle.
            Second, they differed on the issue of Yugoslavia. Vafiadis had a very friendly relationship with the Yugoslavs, and though he was a passionate communist under the motherland of Russia, still believed that Greece shouldn¡¯t take any sides in the fight between Stalin and Tito. Also, he considered Yugoslavia as an important ally in their struggle and its aid indispensable. Zachariadis was faithful to Stalin, which was why he complied to orders from Moscow : remove all those who were not firmly against Belgrade.
            "On February 8, 1949, the DAG radio station broadcast an announcement by Markos dated February 4 and addressed to 'the Greek people, to DAG, and to all my comrades in this struggle'. His health, he said, had worsened from day to day after the battle of Grammos and had not allowed him to fulfill his duties. The announcement was short and sober; he greeted his comrades, eulogized the War Council and stated that, until a new decision was made, Ioannidis would act as president of the Council. He also warned everyone that the enemy would try to take advantage of his removal and finally, he stated that he was certain of victory. He called 'everyone to arms' and acclaimed the Provisional Government, DAG and the Greek people." (49) General Vafiadis, once the central pillar of DSE, had been removed.

IV.7 Operations Pyravlos & Pyrsos
            DSE was falling into a disadvantaged position as its main route of supplies and facilities were cut, while the national army was starting to enjoy the benefits of the massive aid provided by the United States. Also, the change of tactics to a more 'appropriate' but less successful one and the loss of a talented commander hit hard. Slowly, the tide was turning to the National Army.
            The National Army, under its talented commander, General Alexander Papagos, a hero of the Albanian campaign of 1940, started to go on the counterattack after several months of suffering under DSE's climax of their military effort. On May 5, the National Army launched an offensive, Operation Pyravlos, in central Greece. It went on a manhunt, chasing every band of guerillas they could find until it was annihilated. There were many skirmishes which caused the operation to take longer, but around the end of July, central Greece, the plain and the mountains of Thessaly and in general, all the southern end of the Pindos range was cleared of communists.
            Next, the National Army moved on to the frontiers in the north to attack the two remaining strongholds of the DSE, Grammos and Vitsi. Operation Pyrsos (torch in Greek) started on August 8. First, it set up a divisionary attack on Grammos and then put its full strength on Vitsi. It was bloody and difficult. "Within five days casualties in the national army reached a total of 1,682, while DAG counted 1,182 dead and according to prisoners, about an equal number of wounded were evacuated across the border. Considering the size of the two armies, DAG losses were comparatively much higher than those of the army." (50)
            But the KKE refused to give up. An official statement issued by the War Council, the Political Bureau of the KKE's Central Committee, and DAG's High Command, dated August 20, stipulated: "The enemy is gathering on Grammos for a final battle. On Grammos we have everything that is necessary to deal our enemy a mortal blow. We have enough troops, powerful weapons, and the advantages offered by the terrain. It was at Grammos that monarcho-fascism failed last year. It was at Grammos this year that we struck a hard blow against it through our April operations. And on Grammos the enemy got a bloody nose recently. We have behind us the experience of Vitsi and the deep wound we caused the enemy there. Here we can, and we must, bury the monarcho-fascists." All signed orders found on the dead after the battle were written in the same tone. They insisted: 'Grammos would be the unsurpassable mountain for the enemy and its final grave'." (51)
            On August 25, a massive attack on the DSE's last bastion was held. 50 fighter-bombers, known as 'Helldivers', pounded down on Grammos, and DSE, facing overwhelming number of troops and artillery, kept retreating. To make matters worse, Albania, which had been providing supplies, troops and facilities during Operation Pyrsos decided to no longer interfere in the civil war and declared that any Greek who crossed the Albanian border would be arrested, disarmed and interned.
            At 10:00 hours of the 30th, all combat ceased. "During the last phase of operation 'Pyrsos', army casualties in only five days, had amounted to 1,795 officers and men. So, in all three phases, the number reached a total of 3,960 casualties. DAG's entire losses during that terrible August, totalled 2,280 dead, about 3,000 wounded and 1,632 prisoners and deserters." (52) By the middle of October, DSE had collapsed, and on October 16, it officially announced the "temporary cessation of hostilities" (53) to prevent "the complete annihilation of Greece." The Greek Civil War had finally ended.

V. Conclusion
            The Greek Civil War devastated Greece. Over 60,000 had been killed and over 5,000 villages had been completely destroyed. Two thirds of the country people suffered from malaria while over a third of the country's forests had been razed. Houses, animals, food etc. were all very lacking. And this was not even considering the political division and economic distress that would come during later years. In total, it is considered that the civil war inflicted worse damage on Greece than even World War II.
            Faced with such consequences, there is no purpose on discussing whether there was a victory and who was in the right. Some might say that this was a successful war against the Communists. However, it should be considered that Stalin did not even provide much support, and was not concerned with the situation in Greece. And by calling the Greek Civil War in such a way, deliberately forgets about what the Allies or the right-wing parties had done during the war, which was of an equal brutality and cruelty compared to that of the Communists. Rather, the civil war should be thought as a conflict where both sides had strong, stubborn beliefs, but not necessarily right and just ones, and innocent people died in the process of enforcing these beliefs on them.

Notes

(1)      After the War was Over, p.27
(2)      ibid.
(3)      A Concise History of Greece, p. 127
(4)      Greece: From Resistance to Civil War, p. 43
(5)      ibid., p. 22
(6)      By Fire and Axe, p. 95
(7)      Greece: From Resistance to Civil War, p. 39
(8)      ibid., p. 45
(9)      By Fire and Axe, p. 101
(10)      ibid., p. 105
(11)      ibid., p. 110
(12)      A Concise History of Greece, p. 133
(13)      After the War was Over, p. 30
(14)      Article Greece, Britannica Book of the Year 1945
(15)      By Fire and Axe, p. 115
(16)      A Concise History of Greece, p. 135
(17)      By Fire and Axe, p. 128
(18)      ibid., p. 144
(19)      ibid., p. 128
(20)      After the War was Over, p. 75
(21)      ibid., p. 35
(22)      ibid., p. 75
(23)      ibid., p. 36
(24)      By Fire and Axe, p. 164
(25)      Article Greece, Britannica Book of the Year 1947
(26)      ibid.
(27)      By Fire and Axe, p. 183
(28)      ibid., p. 171
(29)      ibid., p. 176
(30)      ibid., p. 173
(31)      ibid., p. 178
(32)      ibid., p. 192
(33)      Article Greece, Britannica Book of the Year 1947
(34)      ibid.
(35)      By Fire and Axe, p. 214
(36)      ibid., p. 224
(37)      ibid., p. 217
(38)      Article Greece, Britannica Book of the Year 1948
(39)      ibid.
(40)      By Fire and Axe, p. 245
(41)      Article Greece, Britannica Book of the Year 1949
(42)      By Fire and Axe, p. 207
(43)      Article Greece, Britannica Book of the Year 1948
(44)      Article : Truman Doctrine, from Wikipedia
(45)      By Fire and Axe, p. 275
(46)      ibid., p. 277
(47)      ibid., p. 279
(48)      ibid., p. 317
(49)      ibid., p. 322
(50)      ibid., p. 322
(51)      ibid., p. 345
(52)      ibid., p. 369
(53)      Article Greece, Britannica Book of the Year 1950


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