WHKMLA : Name-Calling in the History of Russia

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Name-Calling in the History of Russia

Korean Minjok Leadership Academy
International Program
Ryuk, Sohee
Term Paper, AP World History Class, June 2010

I. Introduction
II. The Decline of Tsarist Russia : Bloody Sunday and Nicholas the Bloody
III. Early Communism : Lenin and the Left Communists
IV. The rule of Stalin
IV.1 The Ryutin Affair
IV.2 Moscow Show Trials
V. World War II
VI. The Cold War
VII. Conclusion
Notes
Bbliography

I. Introduction
            This paper aims to examine the use of name-calling in the history of Russia. Name-calling is defined as the use of abusive names to belittle or humiliate another person in a political campaign or an argument. This is a vague definition to work with, however. Questions arise as to what would constitute as abusive or not. For the purposes of this paper, name-calling will include not only traditional insults and abusive names but also as non-conventional insults and/or neutral terms which were used in a derogative or a pejorative way. Also, name-calling would include name-calling in Russia and also name-calling by Russia on other nations.
            In examining name-calling in the history of Russia, this paper will focus primarily on the history of the Soviet Union. The reason for this is because the history of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is a highly intriguing one of numerous ideological and political conflicts. It is also one of the most widely documented time periods. There is a limited amount of available sources on name-calling before the formation of the USSR. This is because of a general lack of written sources and also because Russia was ruled by emperors and tsars, taking the form of a government system that minimized the participation of the people and resulted in a little documented political opposition. Thus this paper’s time-frame will cover the onset of the Russian Revolution and onward. I have divided the paper into periods that define Russian history: the Russian Revolution, Stalinist regime, World War II, and the Cold War. From each of the sections, I will examine few instances of name-calling from the period.
            This paper hopes to analyze the trends of name-calling and explain them in the context of Russian and Soviet history. In the course of Russian history, name-calling was used to incite the anger of the population and to present one’s enemies in a negative light, with the focus on their shortcomings. I will deal with some of the most momentous events and people in Russian history, using primary sources to examine historical views and the use of name-calling on such events and people. The primary sources that I will examine will be by influential and/or official people that were widely circulated. I concluded that such sources would be an accurate representation of the views of a certain faction or group and thus would serve as a valid source to extract various name-calling.

II. Decline of Tsarist Russia and Russian Revolutions
            The Russian Revolution was a time of protest and of many clashes between conflicting ideologies. This section will focus on name-calling during various events during the time.

II.1 Bloody Sunday and Nicholas the Bloody
            On January 22, 1905 (or January 9 according to the old style calendar in Russia), a protest against working conditions in Russia was planned. (2) Russian workers had suffered from eleven-hour workdays and harsh conditions. Under the leadership of priest George Gapon, workers gathered at the Winter Palace of St. Petersburg, where they peacefully petitioned the Tsar. They called out to their great Tsar in the hopes that he would help them and address their grievances. (3) At this event, the imperial guards opened fire on the striking workers, killing 130 persons and injuring 299 persons. (4) Nicholas II, the emperor of Russia at that time, was held responsible for the shootings and was dubbed "Nicholas the Bloody." The shootings were thereafter called "Bloody Sunday."
            After the incident, George Gapon wrote and circulated "An Appeal to All the Peasant Folk" condemning Tsar Nicholas. I will use this document to analyze the views of the workers and their perception of Nicholas. In this letter, the Tsar is repeatedly referred to as a "bloodsucker with whole gang of robbers" (5) and "formerly Tsar and at present soul-murderer of the Russian Empireˇyou Hangman." (6) Gapon urges the people to rise against and "recognize your vicious enemies, and most importantly the Nightingale-Robber, Snake-Red-Fire, Vampire Flying, Bloodsucker - Nicholas II Romanov." (7)
            Bloody Sunday and subsequent nicknames and name-calling of the emperor changed the workers and the people's perception of him. He was no longer a guardian and leader of the people but was now someone to rebel against, someone to fight against. The names of Nicholas II symbolize the antagonistic feelings of the Russian population toward the tsar. Such name-calling is one that explains the turn of public opinion against their ruler and subsequently explains how feelings for a revolution began to build up. Although Nicholas hadn't abdicated until 1917, these names helped magnify and symbolize the shift in opinion that caused him to be viewed him in a negative way.

II.2 Lenin and the Left Communists
            After the 1917 Revolution, the Communist Party came into power. Before and after the Revolution, there were conflicting ideas on the fate of Russia. The conflict between Lenin and the Left Communists is one of them. Left communists were a faction within the Communist (formerly Bolshevik) Party that criticized the direction the Communist Party under Lenin were headed. By using Vladimir Lenin's "Left-Wing Childishness," this paper will examine how Lenin used name-calling to rebut the Left Communists' "Theses on the Present Situation" to rid the party of factions and unite the party.
            In his document, Lenin dismisses their claims as "childish" and attacks the left communists as "petty-bourgeois" (8) concealed within their slogans. (9)
            "Our 'Left' Communists [...] are also fond of calling themselves 'proletarian' Communists, because there is very little that is proletarian about them and very much that is petty-bourgeois." (10)
            In fact, in this particular writing, the term petty-bourgeois appears twenty-five times, in various forms. Such name-calling was employed by Lenin to underscore the apparent hypocritical and conflicting stance of the Left Communists. Lenin continues the attack that the Left Communists must for opposing the path of retreat the Communist Party is following :
            "This is deceiving the people. If you want to fight now, say so openly. If you don’t wish to retreat now, say so openly [...] you are a tool of imperialist provocation." (11)
            In the passage above, Lenin attacks the flowery language that the Left Communists are using. He claims that they do not wish to let their true policy come to light and instead deceive the people with indecisive and shady wording. He calls such tactics "a tool of imperialist provocation" in that they were trying to lead the people to what was good for the imperialists.
            In his writing, Lenin uses logical argumentation coupled with name-calling to effectively attack his critics' arguments. His proficient use of name-calling that were presumably used in his other writings as well could have played a role in gathering the support for his party and his policies and in uniting the Communist Party as a strong national party of the Soviet Union.

III The Rule of Stalin
            After the Revolution in 1917, the Bolsheviks, with Vladimir Lenin as their leader, came into power. Stalin came to dominate the Communist Party after the death of Lenin. He instated policies of collectivization and the five-year plan. He was known to have oppressed his opponents from the Party.

III.1 The Ryutin Affair
            When Stalin had gained control over the Communist party, there remained opposition from within. Although there had been quite a few attempts to oppose Stalin, the one led by Martemyan Ryutin is the last of such attempts. Ryutin, a member of the moderate wing of the Communist party, published documents that were circulated to the public which criticized Stalin. In such documents, he attacks Stalin's character as well as his policies. (12) This paper will use the document "Stalin and the Crisis of the Proletarian Dictatorship," to examine Ryutin’s criticism and derogation of Stalin. The document was published in June of 1932; Ryutin and other conspirators were exiled and faced exile and prison sentences for their anti-Stalin views. (13)
            In the document, there are several chapters that deal with Stalin's flawed character. One such chapter is called "Stalin as a Sophist." Sophistry is defined as a "superficially plausible but generally fallacious method of reasoning." Accordingly, this section portrays Stalin as a sophist, a twister of facts. Ryutin calls Stalin an "unprincipled politician" and "actor," accusing Stalin for using sophistry by constructing evidence and hiding contradictory statements (15)
            "[He will] choose any position and proves his "truth." He knows he will always find a group of people that will be deceived. (16)
            In the chapter called "Stalin as a Leader and Theoretician," Ryutin attacks Stalin, claiming that he is not a real leader.
            "Lenin was the leader, but was not a dictator, Stalin, by contrast, is a dictator, but not a leader. Proletarian revolution needs good leaders, the proletarian Leninist party can not be without leaders, but the proletarian revolution does not need dictators. (17)
            Ryutin calls Stalin a "dictator," saying that a leader relies and has connection with the people and tells them the truth. A dictator, however, does not feel a connection with the people and uses deception to fool them.
            In the chapter called "Stalin as a Machiavellian Politician," Ryutin mocks Stalin by praising his "talents" at scheming:
            "Stalin proved himself in recent years, a complete nonentity, but as a schemer and a political schemer he discovered the brilliant "talents."" (18)
            Ryutin's criticism of Stalin is a final cry against the closing iron fist of the Stalinist regime. Although he was scheduled for execution and later given a prison sentence, his documents are proof of presence of dissenting opinions and opposition - albeit a minority opinion - even within the Communist Party of Stalin.

III.2 Moscow Show Trials of Stalin
            Show trials are trials in which the verdict is predetermined and the trial is held to convince the public. In Stalin's regime, Stalin charged many of his enemies and other influential figures with treason, accusing them of conspiring with Trotsky or acting as a spy for another nation. Confessions were many times coerced, using torture. By the end of the trials, most of the important Bolshevik party members from the Russian Revolution were arrested or executed. (19)
            During the trials, Anrey Vyshinsky was the chief prosecutor for the state. In the year 1938, he provided a summary of the Moscow trials for the Communist Party magazine Soviet Russia Today. In this article, while summarizing the Moscow trials on behalf of the party, he uses labels to describe the accused and convicted :
            "[I]t has been proved that the Rights, the Trotskyites, Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, and Bourgeois Nationalists constitute a band of murderers, spies, wreckers and diversionists, without ideology or principles. This is a band of criminals who sold themselves to the intelligence services of our enemies." (20)
            It should be noted that most of the accused have not been the "Trotskyites," (21) "the Rights," (22) and "Mensheviks." (23) In fact, most were former leaders of the Russian Revolution and leaders of the Bolshevik party. Also, the claims that they have been proved to be "murderers, spies, wreckers, and diversionists" are dubious, as most of the confessions used to convict the accused were acquired through the use of torture or threats. However, these descriptive and insulting names t hat the prosecutor used most likely shed a negative light on the former leaders and helped to convince the public that they were enemies of their nation. Also, such uses of name-calling would have discouraged any future attempts to criticize or oppose Stalin's regime. This would have helped bolster Stalin's authority.
           ' An example of a popular party member convicted of numerous allegations and executed was Nikolai Bukharin. Bukharin, a former supporter of Stalin who later became critical of his policies, was charged with plotting to overthrow the USSR (24). In his article, Vyshinsky details Bukharin's plot to murder state leaders and treachery, infusing insults and names accordingly. In the article, Bukharin is supposed to have "surpassed the lowest creatures ever known in the history of mankind." (25) He is portrayed as "a defender of profiteers, the bourgeoisie, and the kulaks," (26) friend to capitalists and an opponent of socialism that the Soviet Union championed (27). Also, Vyshinsky uses the name of Lenin, the hero of the Russian Revolution and the Communists, to invoke emotional responses in his audience :
            "How many times did Bukharin swear by Lenin's name in order to deceive and betray Lenin and his Party ? How many times did he offer the treacherous kiss of Judas to his great teacher ?" (28)
            These tactics, by putting the focus on his alleged mingling with Trotsky and his schemes to overthrow the nation, helped justify the accusations and consolidate Stalin's absolute authority.
            The article, after explaining the guilt of the accused ends with a final curse and condemnation of the "plotters," "traitors," and "foul dogs" for all the people to see :
            "The entire country demands one thing: shoot the plotters as foul dogs, crush the accursed vipers. The years will pass and graves of traitors will be overgrown with wild weeds and thistles, while bright rays of our sun will shine over our Fatherland as brightly as ever. Along the road cleaned of this filth, our people will march onward; headed by our great teacher and leader, Stalin, they will march towards Communism." (29)

IV. World War II
            During the Second World War, Russia fought against Germany, Italy, and Japan. In the Soviet Union, World War II was called The Great Patriotic War. During this time, there was much propaganda against USSR's enemies, especially against Germany which invaded Russian territories. In fact, in the article written by Vyshinsky, there is mention of Hitler needing colonies and trying to satisfy himself from the land of the Soviet Union. (30) Instances of name-calling can be found in propaganda posters of the time period.
            In one poster, a lion wearing the symbol of Nazi Germany, the swastika, is being speared with a red Soviet spear. The caption underneath states, "Fight German animals ! We can and must destroy Hitler's army." (31) Other posters call Nazi Germany similar names : "Fascist," (32) "German bandits," "monsters," "bloody dogs," "bastards," and "fascist barbarians" were some of names reserved for Hitler's German soldiers (33). Out of these, anything to do with "fascist" seemed most popular. The people of the Soviet Union believed that Germany's aggression on their nation was an attack of the imperialists on their socialist workers' state. They had to fight not only for their land but also for their ideology.
            The Soviet Union, however, was in a tricky position during the war. Although the Soviet Union was anti-Germany, it wasn't exactly pro-Allied nations. To examine Soviet attitudes as well as name-calling stemming from such attitudes, this paper will use A Contemporary World History 1917-1945 by V. Alexandrov. The book was published in the USSR in 1986 and would thus represent the ideals and views of the Soviet Union.
            The book attributes the cause of WWII to capitalist nations, stating that the "Second World War broke out owing to the aggravation of the economic and political contradictions of imperialism." (34) It continues to blame capitalism for the war, saying that "American imperialism which helped to create the war machine of Hitler's Germany" (35) Capitalist countries are often labeled 'imperialist.' (36) In addition, hostility is shown in sentences such as "the international bourgeoisie was interested in liquidating the Soviet Union by military means and in solving its contradictions partly at the expense of the USSR." (37) This sentence does the job of not only calling non-socialist nations "international bourgeoisie" but also attacks their greed in wanting to profit from seeing the USSR go down.
            The book, therefore, makes sure to distinguish the worker’s nation of Russia from the 'imperialists,' including the United States, Britain, and France. The book mentions that USSR entering the war was turning point; although the war had started among 'imperialists' and capitalist nations, the war had turned into an anti-Hitler and anti-fascist, as well as a liberating one. To prevent Germany and the fascists and to protect Russian territory from Nazi Germany, the USSR allied with the capitalist powers against Germany. The book repeatedly uses the term >i>"anti-fascist coalition" to emphasize that the common objective holding the Soviet Union and other capitalist nations such as US and Britain together was fighting against German aggressors. The term "fascist aggressors" (38) appear in the book as an example of name-calling against Germany.
            The book also emphasizes that the capitalist nations were not reliable and the Soviets had to depend on their resources. To the Soviets, it seemed as the Americans and the British would "bleed the Soviet Union white" (39) Alexandrov also dismisses the "bourgeosie authors'" claim that the war was won due to the economical potential of the USA.

V. The Cold War
            The Cold War was a time of ideological conflict between the USSR and the United States. Propaganda posters from the era show the negative attitudes toward the U.S. In one poster, big letters claim "Stop the Killers," with a picture of an aircraft labeled "U.S. Air Force." (40) This shows that the U.S. was often looked at as a killer of people in Vietnam and in other nations. In addition, criticism on capitalism continues, with numerous depictions of Uncle Sam exploiting labor of poor workers. One poster claims that "The purpose of capitalism is always the same: exploitation, oppression, war." (41) Few criticize the economic development of the Americans, claiming that the Soviet Union has made great strides in production levels. There are also posters that criticize the armed race, saying that the U.S. needs to stop development of nuclear bombs.
            The book A Contemporary World History mentioned above also serves as a valid source of name-calling and propaganda within the Soviet Union during the Cold War. As the book was published in the 1980s, its views on the United States most likely represent the views of Soviet Russia during the Cold War.
            In describing U.S. history, the book repeatedly refers to the U.S. and Americans "American imperialists," "monopolists," and "the center of the financial exploitation of the capitalist world." (42) Although the book did not deal with specific instances from the Cold War, the book tried to discredit Americans by attacking and belittling their history. In this book, indoctrination, during the Cold War, took the form of criticizing American's history of capitalistic oppressions. Below is a list of instances of name-calling referring to American history :

Table: Instances of name-calling of events during American history (83)

"A form of the most rabid imperialism, of the most shameless oppression and suppression of weak and small nations" (quotes Lenin)

p.483

"Economic crisis was the inevitable outcome of the development of capitalist contradictions"

p.404

"New tactics, more flexible, better disguised than before, calculated to subordinate the Latin American countries to the US monopolies and to suppress the national liberation movement of the oppressed peoples"

p.519

            The purpose of name-calling during the Cold War seems to be to bring the public opinion against the US as capitalist pigs who are inferior to the Soviet Union. It was a tool to champion Soviet ideology.

VI. Conclusion
            Name-calling was an essential part of Soviet history. From riling the workers into rebellion to criticizing one's political opponents to championing one's ideology, name-calling was used extensively. Although I could not compile an extensive list of name-calling due to a lack of English-translated documents from the USSR, I tried to analyze the usage of derogatory terms and epithets that I could access.
            In the instances of name-calling used in this paper, there remains a question as to how much of them could be categorized as official historiography. Out of the primary sources that depict instances of name-calling, only the propaganda posters could be considered official and government-mandated. As the posters were propagated by the Soviet government, the use of epithets such as "Fascist" and "bloody dogs" actually reflects the USSR's official stance at the time. In the case of other sources, they, too, to varying degrees, could be considered historiography.
            V. Alexandrov's The Contemporary History is not published by an official government institution; however, it is a history book written by a Russian and published in Soviet Russia, a state that had little freedom of speech. The author and publisher would have had to meet regulations of the government in order to publish and distribute such a book. Also, as the book is historical by nature and would therefore require a semblance of objectivity, few instances of explicit name-calling exist. With such aspects taken into account, it is likely that Alexandrov’s book and the use of name-calling in the book is in concurrence with the official stance of the government.
            Other sources and their use of name-calling lean more toward personal choice than historiography. However, even within a single source, discrepancies exist. In the case of Vyshinsky, the choice of words such as "vipers" and "foul dogs" could be attributed to personal choice, while political-infused insults such as "Trotskyites," "Mensheviks," and "Rights" reflect the terminology that was more widely used during the time period. The latter, in part, would reflect Soviet historiography. In the case of Lenin, terms such as "petty bourgeois" would fall into this category.
            Even names that would not fall into the category of historiography have played various roles in the history of Russia. From history books to government-designated propaganda posters to court transcripts, Soviet name-calling has indeed been an important driving factor in Russian history.

Notes

1.      Name-calling. From Dictionary.com.
2.      "Bloody Sunday (1905)." From Wikipedia
3.      "1905 Russian Revolution."
4.      "Bloody Sunday (1905)." [Bloody Sunday] from the Russian Wikipedia
5.      Gapon, George Apollonovich Original:  II     
6.      The translated quote was found in "Bloody Sunday (1905)" from Wikipedia. The article quotes a book by Massie, Robert K. Nicholas and Alexandra. New York: Kingsport Press, 1967, p.124.
7.      Gapon Original:     ,   -, --,  ,  ?  II .
8.      According to the table of ideological insults, petty bourgeois, or petit bourgeois, is an "all-purpose put-down, often applied to groups competing with Party for revolutionary or leftist supporters, ranging all the way from Nazis to Bakuninite Anarchists and foreign Trotskyites, and everywhere in between." ("Insults for Use by the Ideologically Informed")
9.      Lenin 1918
10.      Lenin 1918
11.      Lenin 1918
12.      "Ryutin Affair," from Wikipedia
13.      ibid.
14.      "Sophistry." From Dictionary.com
15.      Ryutin 1932
16.      A HREF = "#ryutin">ibid. Original: "        <>"
17.      A HREF = "#ryutin">Ryutin 1932 Original: "  ,    ; , ,  ,    .     ,        ,      ."
18.      A HREF = "#ryutin">Ryutin 1932 Original:           ,          §№.
19.      "Moscow Trials" from Wikipedia
20.      Vyshinsky 1938 p.1
21.      Lev Davydovich Trotsky was Stalin's most hated rival of the Party who had gone into hiding. It was a grave insult to be called a "Trotskyite," as even suggestions of conspiring with Trotsky could result in arrest for treason.
22.      The "Rights" were strongly associated with the Trotskyites: "The kinship in the positions of the Trotskyites and the Rights [...] are to be explained [...] by the common social base of the Trotskyites and the Rights. Both the Trotskyites and the Rights reflect the pressure of capitalist elements who are resenting the success of Socialism." (Vyshinsky 1938, p.4)
23.      The Menshevik party was the moderate socialist rival of the Bolshevik party, which Lenin and Stalin were part of. The Menshevik party more or less disappeared when the Bolsheviks came into power and became the Communist Party.
24.      "Nikolai Bukharin" from Wikipedia
25.      Vyshinsky 1938 p.6
26.      ibid. p.5
27.      According to a table of ideological insults in Russian history, words associated with wealthy exploiters and capitalistic ideals were used as insults in Soviet Russia, which championed socialism and collectivization of wealth. Such insults include "capitalist," "bourgeoisie," "yoke of capitalist exploitation," and "kulak," a term for wealthy peasants who "grasped money in a tight fist" ("Insults for Use by the Ideologically Informed").
28.      Vyshinsky 1938 p.6
29.      ibid. p.11
30.      ibid. p.7
31.      "Fight German animals" poster from "Russian WWII Propaganda Posters"
32.      The term fascist was commonly used as an epithet and used in a derogative way. It not only labeled those with a fascist view, such as Nazi Germany, but also had negative connotations, carrying the meaning of "oppressive" and "intolerant" ("Fascist (epithet)" from Wikipedia). The term is listed by the table in "Insults for Use by the Ideologically Informed"
33.      Russian WWII Propaganda Posters
34.      Alexandrov 1986 p.582
35.      ibid. p.583
36.      The term "imperialist" also appears in the list of Insults and was used as a pejorative in the Soviet Union.
37.      Alexandrov 1986 p.593
38.      Alexandrov 1986 p.593. "Fascist agressors" "perfidiously attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war on it"
39.      Alexandrov 1986 p.604
40.      "Stop the Killers" from Soviet Propaganda Against USA (posters)
41.      "The purpose of Capitalism is always the same: Exploitation. Oppression. War. So that suffering and poor people bring it maximum profit" from Soviet Propaganda Against USA (posters)
42.      Alexandrov 1986 p.480
43.      ibid.

Bibliography

All originally Russian sources were translated by Google Translate The web sites listed were visited from May to June 2010

Primary Sources
1.      Alexandrov, V. A Contemporary World History 1917-1945. Moscow: Progress, 1986
2.      Gapon, George Apollonovich. "An Appeal to All the Peasant Folk." from Wikisource < http://ru.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=%D0%92%D0%BE%D0%B7%D0%B7%D0%B2%D0%B0%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B5_%D0%BA%D0%BE_%D0%B2%D1%81%D0%B5%D0%BC%D1%83_%D0%BA%D1%80%D0%B5%D1%81%D1%82%D1%8C%D1%8F%D0%BD%D1%81%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BC%D1%83_%D0%BB%D1%8E%D0%B4%D1%83_(%D0%93%D0%B0%D0%BF%D0%BE%D0%BD)&oldid=392811 >.
3.      Lenin, Vladimir. "Left-Wing Childishness." From Lenin's Collected Works, 4th English Edition, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972 Volume 27, pages 323-334. Found in www.marxists.org < http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1918/may/09.htm>
4.      Ryutin, Martemyan. "Stalin and the Crisis of the Proletarian Dictatorship" (1932)
5.      "Soviet Propaganda Against USA (posters) Part 2" English Russia. < http://englishrussia.com/index.php/2006/09/21/soviet-propaganda-against-usa-posters-part-2/>
6.      Vyshinsky, Andrew. The Treason Case Summed Up. Soviet Russia Today, April 1938 Vol. 7 No. 2 found here < http://neworleans.media.indypgh.org/uploads/2007/02/the.treason.case.18feb07.pdf1xudb8.pdf>

Secondary Sources
7.      "1905 Russian Revolution." The Corner. < http://www.thecorner.org/hist/russia/revo1905.htm>.
8.      Article : "Bloody Sunday (1905)." In Wikipedia. < http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bloody_Sunday_(1905)>.
9.      Article : "  (1905)." [Bloody Sunday] . In Wikipedia Russian edition, < http://ru.wikipedia.org/?oldid=25412927>.
10.      Article : "Fascist (epithet)," Wikipedia. < http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascist_(epithet)>
11.      Article : "Moscow Trials," Wikipedia. < http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moscow_Trials>.
12.      Namecalling. Dictionary.com. Dictionary.com Unabridged. Random House, Inc. < http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/namecalling>.
13.      Aricle : "Nicholai Bukharin" Wikipedia, < http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nikolai_Bukharin>.
14.      Article : "Ryutin Affair," Wikipedia, < http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ryutin_Affair>. 15.      Sophistry. Dictionary.com. Dictionary.com Unabridged. Random House, Inc. < http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/sophistry>.
16.      Insults for Use by the Ideologically Informed, Cyber-USSR and Other Links.

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