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A Utopian Concept Becoming Political Reality:
Richard Nikolaus Graf Coudenove Kalergi and the Paneuropa Movement from 1920 to 1950
Korean Minjok Leadership Academy
Ryu, Seung Hyun
Research Paper, AP European History Class, Summer 2011
Table of Contents
I. Introduction - Prejudices and Stereotypes of Medieval Women
II. Timeline of Coudenhove-Kalergi's Pan-European Movement
II.1 1921-1924 Beginnings of an Idea
II.2 1924-1926 The Movement Strikes Roots across Europe and the United States
II.3 1926-1931 Development of the Movement with Briand and Stresemann
II.4 1931-1938 The Movement in Ruins
II.5 1938-1939 The London-Paris Axis
II.6 1939-1945 The European Congress in Exile and Gaining American Support
II.7 1945-1950 Creating the Concrete Framework of the European Union
III. Spreading the Idea
III.1 Convincing the Politicians
III.2 Organizing Conferences
III.3 Influencing the Media
III.4 Winning over the Public
IV. Beginnings of an Idea
IV.1 Convincing the Politicians
IV.2 Winning over the Public
IV.3 Influencing the Media
V. The Movement Strikes Roots across Europe and the United States
V.1 Convincing the Politicians
V.2 Winning over the Public
V.3 Influencing the Media
VI. Development of the Movement with Briand and Stresemann
VI.1 Organizing Conferences
VI.2 Convincing the Politicians
VI.3 Winning over the Public
VI.4 Influencing the Media
VII. The Movement in Ruins
VII.1 Organizing Conferences
VII.2 Convincing the Politicians
VII.3 Winning over the Public
VII.4 Influencing the Media
VIII. The London-Paris Axis
VIII.1 Convincing the Politicians
VIII.2 Organizing Conferences
VIII.3 Winning over the Public
IX. Gaining American Support and the European Congress in Exile
IX.1 Influencing the Media
IX.2 Convincing the Politicians
IX.3 Winning over the Public
IX.4 Organizing Conferences
X. Creating the Concrete Framework of the European Union
X.1 Convincing the Politicians
X.2 Winning over the Public
X.3 Organizing Conferences
X.4 Influencing the Media
Appendix: List of People Related to the Pan-European Movement
"As long as thousands believe in Pan-Europe, it remains a utopia; as soon as millions believe in it, it becomes a program; but once hundred millions believe in it, it is a reality." (1)
As Coudenhove firmly believed, the European Union has now become a firm, solid reality. True, the European Union still has many issues it has to solve such as the sovereign debt crisis in Greece and the acceptance of new members. However, the existence of the European Union and its strong presence in the international world can no longer be denied contrary to the general skepticism of Europeans before its establishment.
Generally in English language publications, Winston Churchill, Robert Schuman, Jean Monnet, Paul-Henri Spaak and others are credited for successfully overcoming the skepticism of the Europeans and creating the European Union. Likewise, most history books only cover the history of the European Union from the end of WWII when it was actually being discussed and implemented in various fields.
However, this rapid establishment of the European Union couldn't have been possible if the idea of United Europe hadn't already been widely spread across the continent over the course of a few decades. This was thanks to Coudenhove and his Pan-European movement which had actively spread and planted the idea of Pan-Europe to the European audience beginning from 1920. Therefore, Coudenhove played a significant and a very important role in the successful accomplishment of the Union a few decades later and should be credited just as much as the other politicians. Unfortunately this is the not the case.
In this context, this paper aims to shed a new light on the often ignored Pan-European movement and Coudenhove Kalergi, especially on how Coudenhove Kalergi successfully won over politicians, the media and the public. In other words, this paper will aim to show how Coudenhove succeeded in transforming a dream into reality. In order to do so, the paper will first divide the years from 1920 to 1950 into sub-periods according to how the movement was developing. Then under each sub-period this paper will examine how Coudenhove Kalergi made use of the personal meetings, media, conferences and speeches to successfully convince many people toward his idea of a United Europe.
Depending on the period, some methods of persuasion were more productive or bore fruit earlier than the others. Also, in each period Coudenhove had to apply different tactics of persuasion depending on the particular interests of the nation, politicians, journalists, and the public. Therefore, after providing an overview of how Coudenhove convinced people toward the Pan-European idea, this paper will analyze which method was most productive during a specific time period and why. Also this part of the paper will discuss how Coudenhove successfully took in to account the various interests of people when winning them over to his idea. On the other hand, the paper will also attempt to provide possible reasons behind the attempts which failed to win over politicians or establish some form of a European Union.
II. Timeline of the Pan-European Movement
II.1 1920-1924 Beginnings of an Idea
1922 Foundation of the Pan-European Union (PEU)
1923 October, Publication of a manifesto entitled Pan-Europa
1924 Establishment of Central Office in Imperial Palace of Vienna
1924 April ~ March 1938, Coudenhove-Kalergi works as an editor and principal author of the journal Paneuropa
II.2 1924-1926 The Movement Strikes Roots across Europe and the United States
1924 Establishment of the Austrian Committee of the PEU
1924 Establishment of the Czech Committee of the PEU
1924 Establishment of the German Committee of the PEU
1925 Herriot appeals for the United States of Europe
1925 Positive discourse between Herriot and Stresemann
1925 Establishment of the American Co-operative Committee of the PEU
1925 -1928 three volumes of Kampf um Paneuropa (The fight for Paneuropa)
1926 3rd - 6th October, 1st Congress of Pan-Europe
II.3 1926-1931 Development of the Movement with Briand and Stresemann
1929 5 September, Assembly of the League of Nations
1929 3 October, Death of Stresemann
1930 "Memorandum on the organisation of a system of European Federal Union"
1930 17 May, 2nd Congress of Pan-Europe
1930 September, Assembly of the League of Nations on the European question
1931 22 November, Death of Loucheur
II.4 1931-1938 The Movement in Ruins
1932 7 March, Death of Briand
1932 1 - 4 October, 3rd Congress of Pan-Europe
1933 Hitler's electoral victory
1933 International Pan-European Union prohibited by Nazi Germany
1935 16-19 May, 4th Congress of Pan-Europe
1936 1st Pan-European Farmer's Congress
1937 1st Pan-European Education Congress
1938 12 March, Annexation of Austria by the Third Reich
1938 -1940 Publication of European Letters (German, French, English)
II.5 1938-1939 The London-Paris Axis
1938 Republication of Churchill's article "The United States of Europe" in the weekly "The News of the World"
1938 Formation of the National Committee of the Pan-European Union in UK
1939 Publication of Coudenhove's book "Europe must Unite"
1939 17th May, 9th Anniversary for Pan-Europe, Conference in commemoration
II.6 1939-1946 Gaining American Support and the European Congress in Exile
1942 Research Seminar for a Federative Postwar Europe
1943 25 March, 5th Congress of Pan-Europe
1944 Publication of Coudenhove's "Crusade for Paneurope"
II.7 1946-1950 Creating the Concrete Framework of the European Union
1946 19 September, Winston Churchill's Zürich Speech
1947 4 - 5 July, Opening Session of the European Parliamentary Union
1947 8 - 10 September, 1st Congress of the European Parliamentary Union
1947 Conference of the European Economic Union
1948 16 April, Establishment of the OEEC
1948 7 - 11 May, Congress of Europe in the Hague
1948 1 - 5 September, 2nd Congress of the European Parliamentary Union
1949 20 September, 3rd Congress of the European Parliamentary Union
1950 19 - 20 June, 4th Congress of the European Parliamentary Union
1950 9 May, Schuman Declaration
1951 18 April, Establishment of the ECSC
III. Spreading the Idea
From his first meeting with President Masaryk in 1921 to his death in 1972, Coudenhove actively propagated the idea of Pan-Europe in various manners. This paper will divide Coudenhove's efforts in convincing other people towards the idea of Pan-Europe into 4 categories: convincing the politicians, influencing the media, winning over the public and organizing conferences. This is to establish a more organized understanding of how exactly Coudenhove spread the Pan-European idea.
In certain periods of the movement, Coudenhove attempted to achieve one category before he pursued the course of the other categories. Therefore, the categories will not always be discussed in the order mentioned above, but rather in the order that Coudenhove attempted first. This will be more effective in understanding how the movement developed with time and also in discerning the cause and result relationships between some of the categories.
III.1 Convincing the Politicians
Since the realization of Pan-Europe was virtually impossible without government initiative or help, Coudenhove put in a lot of effort in convincing politicians to participate in the Pan-European movement. In the beginning he tried to persuade the politicians by writing personal letters to them or by sending articles to them concerning the Pan-European idea. As the movement began to gain popularity he was able to attend congresses and give speeches to a wide audience of politicians. In addition, the few politicians he had met earlier on in the movement furthered Coudenhove¡¯s contacts by arranging personal meetings with other influential people.
III.2 Organizing Conferences
Once Coudenhove succeeded in convincing a few politicians about the necessity and benefits of a Pan-Europe, he frequently organized conferences where many people could attend and share their views and opinions about Pan-Europe. These conferences first began as simple meetings where people cautiously discussed their views to full-fledged Pan-European congresses where they discussed the constitution and organization of the European Union.
III.3 Influencing the Media
Influencing the media was vital in not only changing the public¡¯s opinion but also in grabbing the attention of the government and its politicians. Coudenhove influenced the attitude the media took towards the Pan-European idea by making personal friendships with editors and journalists of periodicals and also regularly contributing articles to these periodicals. In addition, speeches of certain politicians in favor of the Pan-European movement and Pan-European conferences attended by prestigious people played a favorable role in warming the media¡¯s attitude towards the movement.
III.4 Winning over the Public
Coudenhove won over the public by publishing books and pamphlets targeted to the ordinary people and also giving tours while traveling all over the European continent and Northern America. Moreover, the politicians Coudenhove succeeded in convincing played an important role in winning over the support and trust of the general public. The public who had been supportive of a certain government official was likely to support the movement as well if that government official announced his favorable views toward the movement and the Pan-European idea. In addition, conferences attended by prestigious Europeans and Americans and the media reports on the workings on the movement played a substantial role in winning over public opinion.
IV. Beginnings of an Idea (1920-1924)
IV.1 Convincing the Politicians
During this period, in the United States 'the peace settlement was rejected by Congress as the result of a growing backlash against the European Allies, who were seen as self-interested imperial states exploiting American assistance for their own ambitions." (2) Also, signs of disintegration and tension within the continent appeared with dissatisfaction with the Paris Treaties and severe economic decline.
In this situation, Coudenhove formulated his Pan-European idea as a way to make the United States join the League of Nations without having fear of getting entangled in European conflicts and also to ensure a peaceful and quick rise in the European standard of living by a system of military alliances, a customs union, a common currency and an effective safeguard for minorities. In addition, Coudenhove anticipated that a Pan-Europe would be an effective solution against the mounting Russian threat.
To successfully fulfill the European Union, Coudenhove believed that one group of powers should take the initiative. France was then dominated by Poincare whose "tenure was noted for its strong anti-German policies" (3) , Germany was distrusted across the European continent, Italy was rent asunder by internal dissent, and England had its Empire preventing it from becoming excessively involved in the Pan-European movement. Therefore, Coudenhove deemed that the only group of powers able to take the initiative was the Little Entente consisting of Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Yugoslavia.
Coudenhove started in Czechoslovakia the President of which, Thomas G. Masaryk, "enjoyed almost legendary authority among the Czech and Slovak people." (4) Coudenhove first sent Masaryk copies of various articles on political and moral issues written by himself. This proved to be a wise move as after Masaryk had read the manuscripts he agreed to meet Coudenhove in Prague in 1921. In the meeting Coudenhove explained to Masaryk about his plans of a Pan-Europe and asked him whether he would consider backing it. Masaryk agreed that "the day will come when the United States of Europe will be established" (5) but as head of a state, Masaryk explained that he could not pledge any personal co-operation with the Pan-European movement without engaging or perhaps compromising his government.
In 1922 Mussolini assumed control of the Italian government. Coudenhove knew that for Mussolini to raise the prestige of his government and crush down on the "socialist-led Confederation of Labor calling for an antifascist protest strike" (6), he would have raise the prestige of the nation and himself. Therefore, Coudenhove had good reason to believe that Mussolini would be tempted to bring about European federation and make Rome the Washington of Europe. In February 22 1923, Coudenhove wrote a letter to Mussolini in which he explained how the European Union was the only solution against American competition and Russian expansionism and in the long run a guarantee of prosperity, peace, and independence of the Continent. No answer came from Mussolini.
IV.2 Winning over the Public
Coudenhove¡¯s meeting with President Masaryk convinced him that no governmental action in favor of Pan-Europe could be expected for the time being. Coudenhove took action into his own hands and set out to establish contact with all organizations and people who shared his views on Pan-Europe. In 1922, Coudenhove published a draft of his program in the Berlin Vossische Zeitung and the Vienna Neue Freie Presse. These articles resulted in 51 applications to join the Pan-European Union.
In 1923 Coudenhove published a book titled Pan-Europe from his own publishing house the Paneuropa Verlag. The book was dedicated to the youth of Europe urging them to take action in creating a united Europe. In the preface of the book Coudenhove writes that "the only force that can achieve Pan-Europe is the will of Europeans." (8) Each copy of the book included a card requesting membership of the Pan-European Union. "More than a thousand members enrolled in the first month alone, and henceforth every mail brought a mass of new applications." (9) During the period 1923 and 1938, the book went through seven editions and was translated into almost all European languages and even into Japanese, Chinese and Arabic. In addition, one of the readers of the book, Max Warburg of Hamburg immediately offered a donation of sixty thousand gold marks which Coudenhove used to create the basic frameworks of the Pan-European Union.
Beginning in April 1924, the periodical Paneuropa was published ten times a year by its publishing house as the official organ of the Pan-European Union. This journal was published until March 1938 and Coundehove worked as its editor and principal author and "contemporary politicians, intellectuals, and private citizens of many European nations contributed." (10) Apart from the periodical, the movement's publicity office "worked day and night; thousands of circulars, leaflets and books were dispatched to every country in Europe and newspaper cuttings in many languages about Pan-Europe as well as new applications for membership continued to pour in daily." (11)
IV.3 Influencing the Media
Most Vienna newspapers were favorable to the movement from the beginning. "This was due largely of the initiative of the Neue Freie Presse whose editor, Dr. Ernst Benedikt and his wife were good friends of" (12) the Coudenhoves. Not only did Neue Freie Presse publish Coudenhove's vision of a politically, economically and militarily united Europe in the article "Pan-Europa - a proposal" (13) but also his letter to Mussolini in 1923 and many more.
When Coudenhove first formulated the idea of a politically, economically and militarily united Europe, he initially sought out a prestigious statesman who could make his idea into one of the leading policies of European foreign policies. With this intention in mind, he met in turn Masaryk, president of Czechoslovakia, and Mussolini, the newly appointed Prime Minister of Italy.
It should be noted how Coudenhove carefully weighed his options when he chose Masaryk as the first person to ask to take the program¡¯s initiative. First of all, Masaryk was a well respected leader of his nation who had the support of the nation's population. In addition, with France dominated by a nationalist party, Italy plagued by internal dissent, and the United Kingdom preoccupied with its Empire, the Little Entente consisting of Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Yugoslavia were the only group of power which could take on a Pan-European initative.
Coudenhove's approach in convincing Masaryk was fairly simplistic. He sent Masaryk a few articles that he had written hoping that it would catch his attention, and when he received an invitation he tried his best to explain to Masaryk the benefits of a United Europe. Perhaps because Coudenhove failed to provide Masaryk a strong enough motivation: a concrete benefit for him and his nation if Masaryk was to initiate the Pan-European program, he failed in persuading Masaryk to launch the program.
The next person that Coudenhove chose to convince was Mussolini, the newly elected Prime Minister of Italy. Coudenhove published a letter addressed to Mussolini in which he attempted to incite Mussolini's interest in the idea by implying that Mussolini could become the main leader behind a United Europe and that Rome could become the Washington of the United States of Europe. Thus Coudenhove specifically used the fact that Mussolini was an ambitious newly elected prime minister towards his own purpose. Unfortunately, Coudenhove didn¡¯t receive any reply letter from Mussolini. His failure in convincing Mussolini could perhaps have been predicted if Coudenhove had had a true understanding of Mussolini's political views. True, Mussolini did dream of expansion, but that of an aggressive nationalistic kind which did not fit the European view that Coudenhove had.
Contrary to what Coudenhove had first envisioned when he formulated the idea, the most productive method of persuasion in this period turned out to be not persuading politicians, but reaching out to the public directly. Most politicians at that time were skeptical and also cautious about taking on an idea that didn't have any public support or at that recognition. However the public, thankfully, were more easy to win over. Through books, pamphlets and articles published in newspapers Coudenhove diligently worked to spread his idea. His idea of including a card requesting for membership of the movement proved especially effective as thousands of members enrolled in the first month alone. Slowly but surely the Pan-European movement was beginning to make itself know to the European public.
V. The Pan-European Movement Strikes Roots across Europe (1924-1926)
V.1 Convincing the Politicians
Coudenhove chose Austria as the next nation where to seek a leading statesman who could make the Pan-European idea into a reality. "In the 1920s, France as the decisive supporter of the Little Entente pursued its policy towards tightening the alliance in order to ensure the security of the involved states." (14) On the other hand, Hungary was pushing towards the revision of the Treaty Trianon which "required Hungary to surrender more than two-thirds of its pre-war lands." (15) In this situation, Austria was acting as a mediator between them and at the time sought an economic union of the southeastern states. In this situation, Coudenhove believed that a union of Southeastern nations (Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Romania) could be formed which would then spread to Poland and win the favor of France which had "helped organize the Little Entente." (16)
Of the three political parties of Austria at that time, Coudenhove first met with Ignaz Seipel, the leader of the Christian Social Party and then the Chancellor of the Australian Republic. Seipel had already read Pan-Europe when he met Coudenhove and thankfully "was convinced of its need as a practical remedy for a number of political problems in Europe." (17) Seipel not only accepted the chairmanship of the Austrian Committee but also provided an office in the former imperial palace of Vienna as Pan-European headquarters. The mere fact that Seipel, the Chancellor of the Austrian Republic, had joined the movement "induced many of his colleagues in other capitals to take the matter seriously and study the Pan-European problem."
(18) In addition, Seipel's support helped the movement gain some standing in the Christian society. Following Seipel's suggestion, Coudenhove looked for leading Socialists and Pan-German representatives who could serve as vice-chairmen of the movement in order to keep the Pan-European idea "out of the controversial domains of party politics." (19)
The Social Democratic party at that time was led by a powerful triumvirate: Karl Seitz, first President of the Austrian Republic, Karl Renner, first Chancellor of the Austrian Republic and Otto Bauer, Austria¡¯s first Republican Foreign Minister. Of these members, Renner had continuously "proposed a future union of the German parts of Austria with Germany, even using the word 'Anschluss'" (20). Therefore on approaching Renner, Coudenhove attempted to convince him that as far as Austria was concerned, "Pan-Europe would mean all round Anschluss as distinct from Anschluss with Germany alone." (21) Convinced by Coudenhove's argument, Renner agreed to become Vice-Chairman of the Austrian Committee.
At this point, Coudenhove was concerned that other European countries would be suspicious of anything coming from Berlin and Vienna without the support of an allied statesman. Therefore Coudenhove reached out to Masaryk, president of Czechoslovakia and unofficial supporter of the Pan-European movement, asking to arrange a meeting between him and a Czechoslovakia statesman. On meeting Edvard Benes, the foreign minister of Czechoslovakia, Coudenhove realized that although Benes "was certainly in agreement with Pan-Europe he did not consider in an object of immediate practical policy." (22) In addition, Benes had "no intention of sacrificing a single Czech interest on the altar of European unity." (23) Ironically, it was this doubt Benes had towards the immediate feasibility of Pan-Europe that led him to easily accept the honorary chairmanship of the Czech committee and Benes' "publicly declared interest in the Pan-European movement" (24) helped spread the movement to Romania and Yugoslavia, the other countries of the Little Entente.
In 1924, Hitler's first attempt to seize power over Germany had failed and Germany¡¯s foremost priority was to stabilize the currency and reorient itself in matter of foreign policy. While the extremist on the left and right wished to side with Russia for revenge or revolution, the center parties desired an agreement with France. Therefore, Coudenhove targeted the politicians who desired peace with France and tried to convince them that Pan-Europe would be the ideal solution in achieving this goal. His strategy proved effective as contacts with political leaders, writers, journalists and businessmen were easily established and the German group of the Pan-European Union constituted within a month. Paul Loebe, a Social Democrat politician and president of the German Reichstag, became the Chairman of the German group of the Pan-European Union. Paul Loebe's influence in the Social Democratic party made it possible for the idea of a European federation to become part of the official party program.
Even though the German group of the movement had been formed, Coudenhove still sought out a representative politician who could give the movement great scope and authority. Coudenhove regarded Gustav Stresemann, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, in 1924 as such a figure. However, Stresemann's opinion was similar to that of Masaryk saying that "he had genuine sympathy for the idea" (25) but that "his office made in undesirable to commit himself." (26)
In early 1925, Coudenhove moved on to France. Coudenhove was able to arrange meetings with many prestigious politicians of France with the help of Benes. Benes had a favorable relationship with France as he "considered the French and Little Entente alliance systems the keystones of Czechoslovak foreign policy" and had helped France found the Little Entente itself. For Coudenhove, Bene? wrote letters to four of his close friends: Henri de Jouvenel, Louis Loucheur, Paul Painleve and Aristide Briand. Loucheur, a well known leader in both politics and business of that time, regarded Pan-Europe as economically beneficial for all of Europe. Also, Painleve who had been the prime minister during a critical period of the First World War realized the significance Pan-Europe could have on the protection of France's security. Briand was at that time missing from Paris.
In France, Coudenhove also got acquainted with Edourd Herriot, then French Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs. Herriot received Coudenhove while he was dressing for dinner in his suite and told Coudenhove that he had no need to explain the Pan-European plans since he had been fully informed by his secretary, R.R.Lambert. Lambert had become an active supporter of the Pan-European idea after having read Coudenhove¡¯s book and was at that time a member of the Pan-European Union. With the passionate assistance of Lambert, Coudenhove discovered in Herriot the first European statesman to openly appeal for the movement while serving his time as the head of the national government.
After Berlin and Paris, Coudenhove decided to visit Rome, "then the third in power among the capitals of the Continent." (27) From the beginning Coudenhove had no hopes of winning Mussolini to the cause since Mussolini's Fascism "included elements of nationalism, corporatism, national syndicalism, expansionism, social progress, and anti-socialism." (28) Instead Coudenhove focused on meeting former politicians or leaders of the opposition such as Amendola, Gaetano Salvemini and Giolitti. Among these people Coudenhove was able to gain the support of Carlo Sforza, Italy's former Foreign Minister and one of the leaders of anti-Fascism.
V.1.6 The League of Nations
As the Pan-European movement spread over the map of the European continent, Coudenhove became more and more preoccupied with the problem of translating this dream into the sphere of political reality. At one point, Coudenhove considered the League of Nations as a possible instrument in bringing about the European Union and approached Eric Drummond, the general secretary of the League. However, for Drummond, the establishment of a European Union was a relatively insignificant political agenda and merely implored Coudenhove to "Please, don't move too fast." Having failed in personally convincing the general secretary of the League, Coudenhove submitted a memorandum to the League of Nations as an alternative. With this memorandum, Coudenhove attempted to separately reach and convince the member states of the League towards the movement.
V.1.7 United Kingdom
Coudenhove knew very well that no European union was feasible against the opposition of the United Kingdom. At the same time, Coudenhove also knew that the United Kingdom would not willingly engage in any form of a Pan-Europe. "For the former British Empire ... belonging to and being constrained by European institutions meant a loss of their world-wide influence, and the focus only on Europe consequently narrowed its opportunities." (29) In the end Coudenhove envisioned a European federation without but still working in close cooperation with the British Commonwealth. (30)Through the help of Henry Wickham Steed (31), the former editor of the London Times and one of the few supporters of Pan-Europe in the United Kingdom, Coudenhove was brought into touch with some British politicians but most of them preferred not to commit themselves to the movement.
Still, Coudenhove was able to win the wholehearted support of the British secretary of state for the dominions and colonies, L.S. Amery. In 1925 Amery was head of the Colonial Office and in his speeches had emphasized the fact that all the people within the British Empire "are one single nation, one common branch of humanity" (32) several times. Amery's speeches led Coudenhove to believe that they had similar ideas about world organization, pacifism and the League of Nations. In their meeting, Amery agreed to support the movement as Coudenhove had expected. In his autobiography Coudenhove comments that "it was primarily due to him that no distrust of Pan-Europe arose in England and that nobody interpreted the movement as an attempt to separate Britain from the continent." (33)
V.1.8 United States
Apart from the three month lecture tour (34) across the U.S., Coudenhove also met with a number of politicians privately. However, most politicians did not wish to commit themselves to a program that they regarded "primarily as a matter for Europeans." (35). Since WWI, the Americans were very cautious about getting involved in the problems of the European contient. Eventually the "American Co-operative Committee of the Pan-European Union" was constituted mainly by leaders of education organizations, journalists and businessmen rather than politicians.
V.2 Winning over the Public
V.2.1 Books, Pamphlets and Letters
The Pan-European movement grew steadily with each month and through the mail arrived hundreds of not only application letters but also criticisms about the movement. Coudenhove replied to many of these criticisms with further arguments and explanations for the Pan-Euoropean idea. In this manner, Coudenhove was able to directly communicate and reach out to a wider public audience. In addition, Coudenhove continued to send copies of books, pamphlets and copies of his review to many influential people.
V.2.2 Speeches and Lectures
With the support of Paul Loebe, Coudenhove was able to win the attention of the German papers and magazines towards the Pan-European movement. Papers such as Vossische Zeitung (36) which published Coudenhove's works in turn caught the attention of the public. Coudenhove comments that he was soon "flooded with offers to lecture to the most diverse organizations, societies, and institutions" (37) in Germany.
As the movement spread, Coudenhove was concerned that the United States would look upon any attempt at economic integration of Europe in a negative light. Justifiably, the United States could regard with certain apprehensiveness any movement that could develop Europe into a dangerous threat against the interests of the United States. To dispel these apprehensions and misgivings from the beginning, Coudenhove set out to the United States. With the help of Max Warburg, Coudenhove was able to arrange a series of dinner speeches throughout the United States. In his speeches Coudenhove focused on explaining to the leaders of United States that the creation of Pan-Europe was not a threat against the United States but a benefit for the success of the League of Nations and for the peace and benefit of the Western Hemisphere.
During his three month tour of the United States, Coudenhove found it easy to dispel doubts about the Pan-European movement and win the people¡¯s favor. The United States at that time was politically divided into isolationists, who opposed a policy of support for the League of Nations, and internationalists, who favored such a policy, and both groups were favorable to the idea of Pan-Europe: The isolationists because they regarded European federation as an effective safeguard against the risk of entanglement in a new European war, and the internationalists because they were aware that the creation of Pan-Europe would facilitate and hasten their entry into a regionally organized League. However the problem was that while most politicians were favorable to Pan-Europe, they "did not wish to commit themselves to a program that they regarded primarily as a matter for Europeans." (38)
By the time Coudenhove left New York he had founded the "American Co-operative Committee of the Pan-European Union" under the chairmanship of Dr. Stephan Duggan, the Director of the Institute of International Education in New York. The Union was in charge of keeping an eye on the public opinion in the United States in regard to the Pan-European idea and to explain and make corrections if necessary. One of the movement's most active supporters in the United States was Nicholas Murray Butler, president of both Columbia University and the Carnegie Peace Foundation, who wrote the foreword to the American edition of Pan-Europe.
V.2.3 Influence of Politicians
One way that the politicians won over the public opinion towards the movement was through the authority and recognition of his name or political career. Just the fact that a certain politician supported the movement added credibility and feasibility to the Pan-European idea which in turn helped win the trust and support of the public; or at least diminish the amount of distrust or hostility such as in the case of Renner, Seipel and Amery.
Another way that the politicians played a role in winning over the public opinion was by delivering speeches or declarations concerning the Pan-European idea. The most noteworthy effort of this time period was the speech held by Herriot to the Chamber of Deputies in 29 January, 1925. Herriot, then French Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, delivered a speech to the Chamber of Deputies where he stated that his "greatest wish is to see one day the United States of Europe become a reality." Not only did this speech attract the attention of politicians within and out of France, but also according to Coudenhove received an "enthusiastic acclaim" (39) from the majority of the French public. This speech was the first official approval of the Pan-European idea by a government member.
The politicians also added credibility and readers to the book Pan-Europe by writing pre-faces for them. For instance Benes wrote the preface to the Czech translation of Pan-Europe and Nicholas Murray Butler wrote the foreword for the American edition.
V.3 Influencing the Media
In Germany, the politicians of the centre parties such as the Social Democratic Party and the German Democratic Party were willing to actively support the creation of Pan-Europe as a way to achieve reconciliation with France. As the establishment of a European federation became part of the official party programs, the newspapers which supported these parties came along as well. The liberal press, headed by George Bernhard, editor of Vossische Zeitung was willing to support the movement by publishing articles in relation to the Pan-European idea. Coudenhove didn't miss this opportunity and supplied "this generous stream of free publicity with contributions of his own articles that went to many papers and magazines." (40) Coudenhove comments that besides Vossische Zeitung "the movement had the support of most Berlin newspapers - from VorwÄrts to the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung" (41).
On January 29, 1925, Herriot delivered a speech to the Chamber of Deputies in which he said that his "greatest wish is to see one day the United States of Europe become a reality." (44) After this speech Coudenhove expected the German government to give some king of a reply to Herriot's suggestive words. However, there were none. Alarmed, Coudenhove rushed to Berlin and through Chancellor Marx an article appeared on the Frankfurter Generalanzeiger (45), signed by Germany's Foreign Minister, Stresemann, backing Herriot's plea for a United States of Europe. However this dialogue between Berlin and Paris didn't continue any further. One of the reasons for this discontinuance was that apart from the Frankfurter Generalanzeiger, "the rest of the German press made only a perfunctory bow in the direction of Herriot's address." (46) It seems that Coudenhove did influence a part of the German media but unfortunately not enough.
In 1925, when Coudenhove started his campaign in France, Benes wrote a letter to his close friends Henri de Jouvenel, the chief editor of one of France's leading dailies, Le Matin (47), introducing Coudenhove and the Pan-European movement to him. In his autobiography, Coudenhove comments that Jouvenel "was at once ready to back my cause and, what was even more valuable, to give it all necessary publicity in his paper." (48) Also Loucheur was the proprietor of Le Petit Journal (49) which also began to publish articles in relation to Pan-Europe.
V.3.3 United Kingdom
Henry Wickham Steed was one of the few British who were interested in the movement at that time. Steed had known Coudenhove's mother and other family members personally and when the book Pan-Europe was published, Coudenhove sent Steed a copy. As the former chief editor of the London Times
(50), Steed knew the problems of Europe in more detail than almost anyone in Europe and regarded Pan-Europe as a key to peace, armament reduction and free trade. He was at time the editor of the Review of Reviews (51) and offered to publish Coudenhove's "Memorandum to the League of Nations."
V.3.4 United States
In the case of United States there were a number of journalists who were stationed in Vienna and who had from time to time supplied the American press with news about the movement. For example Dorothy Thompson (52) and Clarence Streit (53) were journalists especially faithful to the movement. However, despite these articles the American public still remained only vaguely informed of the movement's aims. Therefore, Coudenhove directly set out to the United States and started publically propagandizing his movement.
In New York Coudenhove called on Frank Munsey, a renowned newspaper and magazine publisher. Munsey was favorable towards the movement for the beginning saying that "judging from what he himself had seen of conditions abroad, Pan-Europe alone could save the European continent from another war and subsequent destruction." (54) Munsey even said that he was ready to back the movement with his papers, money and personal influence. In their first meeting Coudenhove and Munsey even fixed an appointment for the following week to discuss the details of his financial support. However, Munsey died on 22 December, 1925 of a sudden burst appendix and all his fortune went to the Metropolitan Museum.
In this period, Coudenhove's efforts were most successful in the area of convincing politicians unlike the previous period when Coudenhove was turned down by almost all the politicians that he had met. Coudenhove¡¯s success in this area can be attributed to two causes. The first is that Coudenhove was very careful and selective in choosing nations and politicians that he deemed he had the best chance of winning over towards the movement. For instance, in Italy Coudenhove purposely approached only those opposed to the Fascist government and in Germany approached those who were affiliated in the center parties. Also not only was he selective in choosing the subject, he was also very strategic in his persuasion appealing specifically to the interests of the subject that he wished to win over. For instance, knowing that Renner was inclined towards German Anschluss, Coudenhove tried to convince Renner that as far as Austria was concerned the Pan-Europe would mean an all around Anschluss and not just an Anschluss with Germany alone.
The second factor for his success was the favorable political situation of certain nations at that time. Germany, for example, was looking for a new approach in their foreign policy and certain parties in Germany desired reconciliation with France. Also, when Coudenhove arrived in the United States, the Locarno Treaties had been negotiated just a few weeks earlier setting an appropriate mood for the Pan-European idea. However, this doesn't mean that the general political situation of Europe was favorable for the Pan-European movement. Rather, it was on the contrary. Not only was France dominated by Poincare's nationalistic government but also Italy was ruled by Mussolini who had embarked on the course of total nationalism. To make matters worse, United Kingdom was unwilling to join a movement that might undermine its empire and the United States were apathetic to a matter they regarded as primarily a European problem. However, what is important is that Coudenhove used the political situation of each nation to the benefit of his movement as much as possible.
Another important aspect of this period is that from Seipel's acceptance of the chairmanship of the Austrian Committee of the Pan-European movement, people other than Coudenhove began to play significant roles in spreading the Pan-European idea. There were various ways that these public figures contributed to the movement. In some cases, the mere fact that a certain politician supported the Pan-European movement added credibility and supporters to the movement. In addition, these public figures actively publicized the Pan-European idea using their personal authority and resources. For instance, it was Paul Loebe that made European federation become part of the official party program of the Social Democratic Party and Herriot who for the first time declared his approval for the Pan-European movement in an official speech. Thus the publicizing process had now become like a spider web which gradually becomes larger and larger as it moves farther away from the center. Also, from this period onwards, Coudenhove was able to establish connections with a wider range of people more easily thanks to the help of the supporters of the movement.
VI. Development of the Movement with Briand and Stresemann (1926-1931)
VI.1 Organizing Conferences
After returning from the United States, Coudenhove set out to organize the first Congress of Europe in Vienna. During the past few years, many Pan-European Committees had come into being independently but they lacked the necessary contact with the head office in Vienna. Thus, Coudenhove felt the need for a congress to prevent the decentralization of the movement.
For the Congress, Coudenhove sent personal invitations to all prominent Europeans known to favor the Pan-European movement, regardless of whether they were members of the movement or not. In addition, Coudenhove sent questionnaires to the European leaders of various fields asking "Do you consider a United States of Europe a necessity? Do you consider it possible?" (55) These questionnaires provided Coudenhove with an additional list of mail addresses to which he sent invitations asking them to attend the Congress. Of these recipients, 2400 people from 24 different states accepted the offer of participation. The Congress opened on the 3rd October 1926 and remained in session until the 6th.
To add authority to the Congress, Coudenhove established an honorary board composed of six Pan-European statesmen: Edvard Bene?, Joseph Caillaux, Paul Loebe, Ignaz Seipel, Carlo Sforza and Nicola Politis. National delegations headed by former of future members of governments participated to honor the event. Three days of political, economic, and cultural conferences and discussions followed and as a result of the Congress the "Programme of the Pan-European Union and Movement" (56) and the statutes of the Union were adopted. In addition, an executive organ in the shape of a central council which was to consist of the presidents of the various national committees was formed.
After his encounter with French nationalist politicians, Coudenhove realized that the main reason for the French opposition to the Pan-European movement was fear of competition from the German industrial organizations. "The nationalist politicians were only so many instruments in the hand of French industrial leaders, who were also in control of the press." (57) Coudenhove realized that to convert France to Pan-Europe it was necessary to obtain the support of French big businessmen. The president of the French Council of the Pan-European Union, Loucheur, was of the same opinion. Being a businessman himself Loucheur believed that to achieve results and not mere talk the Pan-European movement should organize committees composed of influential businessmen.
Soon, a Pan-European economic committee consisting of 20 representatives of the main branches of French industrial production such as steel, coal and chemicals was formed. A similar committee was constituted in Germany and the fusion of these two committees represented a European Economic Council designed to cover gradually all of European production. To reconcile the opposing views France and Germany had towards economic co-operation, Loucheur held the mediatory role in recurrent conferences of the economic boards and worked towards establishing Inter-European cartels under a super national institution which would assure democratic control of all European cartels and trusts. However, Loucheur had not yet been able to reach a concrete agreement between the two groups when the world-wide economic depression altered the basis of European business life. To make matters worse, Loucheur died in 1930.
Just before these series of crises, the possibilities of the creation of a European Union was optimistic. In the Assembly of the League of Nations in September 1929, Briand, Stresemann, and Bene? all had held speeches about the European Union, empathizing its necessity and feasibility but at the time indicating the difficulties standing in the way of its realization and the need for the European countries to cooperate. As a result of the Assembly Briand was charged with the job of submitting a draft of the first preliminary plan which he should send to other European governments. The others greed to then offer their suggestions, whereupon Briand would draft a second and revised program and submit it to the next session of the Assembly of the League of Nations in 1930.
The death of Stresemann in 1929 was a disaster for the movement in terms of its support in Germany. The nationalist tide was rising rapidly, and at that moment there was nobody in Germany to take Stresemann¡¯s place and continue on in the process of creating a European Union. Concerned that they were losing ground in Germany, Coudenhove decided to hold a second Pan-European Congress in Berlin on May 17, 1930. The delegates representing the various Pan-European groups came from all over Europe. A significant event of the congress was the speech held by Amery, the British delegate, in which Amery officially declared on behalf of his government "that Britain could never join the federation because its future was linked to the overseas dominions and its patriotism centered in its own vast intercontinental empire." (58) Even though this attitude of the United Kingdom had been expected it was still a great disappointment to the members of the Pan-European movement.
According to the plan, Briand submitted a Memorandum on the organisation of a system of European Federal Union in 1930. However, Briand¡¯s memorandum was ambivalent without any practical suggestions for a union of European nations, as it was the result of a political compromise between French nationalist politicians. Also, though the European nations had agreed in the establishment of a European Union in principle it disagreed on almost every single detail of its structure and organization. The political situation rapidly deteriorated from there. "The economic depression had begun to sweep away the ideas of solidarity and cooperation in international relations," (59) and following the sudden death of Stresemann Germany was dominated by the Nazi party. The French were unwilling to co-operate with a nation that now presented a threat towards them and Briand¡¯s death in 1932 and Hitler's electoral victory in 1933 signaled the end to this period of reconciliation between Paris and Berlin.
VI.2 Convincing the Politicians
Aristide Briand, the Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs at that time, was interested in maintaining peace and the Versailles status quo, and in assuring their own security. To achieve this goal, Briand "tried Franco-German reconciliation to attract Germany into an international security system" (60), and naturally agreed with the Pan-European idea.
After Briand's acceptance of the honorary president of the Central Council and of the Pan-European Union, Coudenhove believed that Briand would soon take a public initiative. However, although Briand continued to encourage the Pan-European movement privately, nothing decisive happened in France's foreign relations. Coudenhove attributed Briand's hesitant actions to the opposition of his cabinet and of Prime Minister Poincare. Therefore, in order to reduce the distrust and opposition towards the Pan-European movement among French nationalists, Coudenhove decided to personally meet with their leaders one by one. However, on meeting politicians such as Poincare, Coudenhove found that most dismissed Pan-Europe as an idealistic idea which had little chance of being achieved in the near future.
In June 1929, Briand finally took action and presented the question of the establishment of a European Union to the Assembly of the League of Nations. Briand's proposal played a significant role in convincing many politicians towards the idea and even some nationalist politicians began to support Briand "not because they were enthusiastic over his plan but because they were proud that it was the French government that had taken such decisive action before the eyes of the world." (61) Realizing this, Coudenhove canceled the preparations for a Pan-European congress in Paris and refrained from any publicity in France while Briand¡¯s own Campaign was under way. Briand¡¯s announcement also brought Mussolini into the picture as he "declared himself in favor of Briand's plan provided that joint administration of all African colonies was considered." (62) Unfortunately, Briand's memorandum and the 1930 Assembly of the League of Nations failed to bring the opinion of the European nations together.
VI.3 Winning over the Public
The first Congress of Europe played a significant role in getting the public better acquainted with the Pan-European movement. Coudenhove in his autobiography even goes as far as to say that "newspapers in all languages acclaimed the Congress as the prelude to an entirely new policy"
(63) Excluding the personal bias and exaggeration of Coudenhove it has to be admitted that the first Congress of Europe was "public breakthrough for the young movement with the 'Pan-European vision' becoming a synonym for the political unification of Europe." (64)
Also, news of Briand's support for the Pan-European movement brought the attention of the European society to the idea of a European Union. The day after Briand's acceptance of the honorary presidency of the Central Council and the Pan-European Union, Agence Havas (65) published the news which induced many people to take a closer look at the movement since "one of the most powerful European statesmen had committed himself to it." (66) The news that the leading statesman of Europe, Briand, was preparing a United States of Europe had a significant effect on public opinion across Europe as more and more people began to discuss the Pan-European idea with a mingling of interest, skepticism and sympathy. This was especially the case for nations that had suffered the hardships of the last war, "to millions of men and women on fields and in factories Briand appeared as the great prophet of peace, as the hero of European reconciliation." (67)
After the death of Stresemann, Coudenhove and Herriot organized a lecture tour around Vienna, Berlin and Prague in October 1929 in order to prevent the possibility of the European Union from absolutely disappearing. Throughout the campaign, Herriot spoke in French and Coudenhove in German. The tour was greeted cordially even in Berlin where the "big hall of the Kroll Opera House, which was later to be the scene of Hitler¡¯s Reichstag meetings, was filled to the last seat." (68) However, in spite of the generous welcome Coudenhove realized that "the movement for European union was rapidly losing ground in Germany." (69)
Developments in Germany also had a negative effect on the French attitude towards the Pan-European movement. As the Nazi party became the strongest party in the Reichstag the French could no longer rely on Germany for safety and peace. Rather, France now needed to convince "the reluctant British to take the risks involved" (70) in a political and military collaboration rather than sacrifice its safety by leaning towards Germany.
VI.4 Influencing the Media
The beginning of the economic sector of the Pan-European movement had a positive effect in influencing the media. Since in France, the "industrialists, nationalists, and small businessmen joined together in their opposition to social welfare" (71), and in Germany the industrialists supported the rising nationalists paper that were under the control of industrial leaders "suddenly favored the idea of Pan-European Union" (72) after the French and German economic committees were formed.
As Briand began to actively work towards the creation of Pan-Europe, the idea of a united Europe received a lot of press attention. In 1929, at a press conference in the Quai d'Orsay Briand announced that he intended to suggest the establishment of a European union as the agenda of September's League of Nations' meeting. This announcement by France's leading statesman brought the idea of a United Europe to the center of press discussions across Europe and the United States.
Congresses played an important role within this time period. In 1926, Coudenhove held the first Congress of Europe to organize the various Pan-European committees spread out over Europe and to establish some sort of executive organ consisting of the presidents of the various committees. From then on Coudenhove continued to hold Congresses of Europe at key moments to bring together the supporters of Pan-Europe and discuss future development plans.
The various Congresses and Assemblies held during this period had both positive and negative consequences. For instance as a result of the first Congress of Europe in Vienna the "Programme of the Pan-European Union and Movement" and the statutes of the Union were adopted in addition to the establishment of a Central Council consisting of the presidents of various committees. This Congress also played a significant role in bringing the public's attention towards the Pan-European movement as is viewed as "the public breakthrough for the young movement with the 'Pan-European vision' becoming a synonym for the political unification of Europe." (73)
However, the September Assembly of the League of Nations in 1930 played a role in only further revealing the differences between the European nations concerning the establishment of a European Union. The United Kingdom remained uninterested in participating in any form of a European Union and all other nations were unwilling to contribute let alone sacrifice anything towards its establishment. This discordance of opinions was further deteriorated by the fact that the Nazi party had taken over the German Reichstag.
Another important feature of this period is that the Pan-European movement began to consider economic union as a stepping stone towards a political union. Loucheur succeeded in constituting a Pan-European economic committee in France and Germany and the combination of these two councils became the European economic council. Additionally, since most nationalists papers in Germany and France were under the control of business leaders, the establishment of economic committees led to a change in the attitude of these papers toward European Union. Unfortunately, before Loucheur was able to settle a concrete agreement between the two committees, the world-wide Great Depression struck and negatively affected the very basis of the two nation¡¯s businesses and industries.
The political conditions in the years from 1924 to 1929 were exceptionally favorable to the Pan-European movement. Prestigious politicians of both Germany and France were willing to work towards the establishment of a European Union and many Pan-European committees had been established for the European nations. However, at the end of 1930 almost all of Coudenhove's, Briand's and Stresemann's efforts turned out to be futile. Several factors can be given as the reason why the European Union wasn't established during this time period.
First of all, "Briand and Stresemann both desired this understanding but had no power to enforce it." (74) Briand as Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs and Stresemann as Minister of Foreign Affairs had to follow the opinion of their parliaments which could dismiss them any day. Thus they were unable to pursue policies of their interest if it conflicted with the interest of the members of their parliament. For example, Briand's memorandum was the result of a compromise between the nationalist members of his parliament making it a patch-worked piece of document not including contents about the common market but rather only emphasizing the individual sovereignty of each nation.
Secondly, Briand had not succeeded in obtaining England's agreement. "Great Britain was much more interested in its colonial empire and of its relations with the USA, than with belonging to Europe. Moreover, England continued to join Germany in counterbalancing the French politics." (75) Thus, the "Briand Project" (76) which was sustained by the allies of France, Romania, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Poland, that initiated also an economic regional agreement of the Central and South Eastern Europe, as a stage in the Paneuropean construction. "But this support of some small countries could not assure the success of the Briand Plan, which was rejected by every Great Power of Europe." (77)
From a wider perspective, the whole of Europe was responsible for the failure in establishing a European Union during this period. While most European nations appeared to support the establishment of a European Union on the surface they supported it not for the sake of the welfare of Europe but for the improvement of their nationalistic interest. Mussolini supported it for the sake of gaining colonial advantages, Germany for the sake of Gleichberechtigung
(78) and its economic interests and Hungary wanted it for the sake of revision. While Coudenhove and Briand wisely used these distinct national interest to win the nations over to the European movement, these differences of interest proved unable to be reconciled when discussing the details for the European Union.
Lastly, the development of international affairs at the end of the 1920s contributed greatest to the failure of Briand and Coudenhove's efforts during this period. "The Great Depression of 1929-1933 determined the states of Europe to emphasize the protective policy, which they have not abandoned since the World War I. The high raised frontier barriers and the hard retail market competition tensed more and more the relations between the states" (79) making an economic union unfeasible. "Moreover, the economic crisis caused severe social problems that favoured the ascent of nationalist-extremist currents. For example in Germany, the progress of the Nazis pressured the Bruning government to take up a revisionist aggressive foreign policy." (80) With Germany as a potential threat to France and the whole of Europe, the French politicians and public were no longer able or willing to co-operate.
VII. The Movement in Ruins (1931-1938)
VII.1 Organizing Conferences
The third Congress of Pan-Europe was held from 1st to the 4th of October, 1932. The Congress was held in Switzerland so that it could be free from all governmental influences. The Congress was well attended, especially by all minor states of Eastern Europe where the idea of Pan-Europe had grown popular thanks to Briand¡¯s initiative. All these smaller nations were by then victims of the world depression and bitterly opposed to anything that might entangle them in a war arising from the French-German conflict. Discussions mainly centered on the possibility of forming a European Party within Germany to lead a European popular movement. However since the political developments inside Germany were very uncertain, any execution of the plan was postponed until the German crisis had been solved. As the political situation deteriorated in Germany, plans for a European popular movement were in the end left unimplemented.
In all the years of struggle against Nazi Germany, Coudenhove wasn't negligent in holding conferences. Conferences at this time period were especially important since it provided the rare opportunity for people with similar ideologies and opinions to actively share and develop them. In 1935 the 4th Congress of Pan-Europe were held in the Assembly Hall of the Austrian Parliament and acted as a symbolic demonstration against National Socialism. In 1936 the first Pan-European Farmer's Congress was held under the active support of the secretary general of the Farmer¡¯s Unions, Leopold Figl, who later became Austria's first post-war Chancellor. In 1937 the first European Educational Congress was organized under the presidency of Dr. Pernter, the Austrian Minister of Education. These Congresses endeavored in searching for a possible way to establish an economic union of Europe and the means to overcome the current political crisis.
VII.2 Convincing the Politicians
France was at that time concerned about its country¡¯s security more than anything else and the possibility of a Franco-German understanding was virtually Zero. Most smaller European countries wished only to remain neutral in the impending power struggle and didn't want to be involved with the Pan-European movement less it provoke Hitler and the Third Reich. In this situation, for Coudenhove a Paris-Rome axis seemed to be the only solution to create a successive defense alliance between the countries of Europe. Coudenhove believed that the Paris-Rome axis would "have the automatic support of all the Danubian countries, ... of Poland in the north and of the Balkan countries in the South." (81)
Thus Coudenhove put in a lot of effort in converting Mussolini towards the Pan-European idea. When Coudenhove met with Mussolini, he talked to Mussolini about a Latin Union between Italy and France as a defensive alliance against the Third Reich emphasizing the benefits it would have for Italy. This meeting did bring a slight change in Mussolini's attitude towards Pan-Europe as can be seen in his interview with a Paris newspaper L'Intransigeat (82) in 1934 where he says that Europe must unite and have European spirit. However the antipathetic attitude of France and United Kingdom inhibited the creation of a Franco-Italian union and when the civil war broke out in Spain, Mussolini was to become Hitler's partner, ally and vassal.
During this period, Coudenhove also worked to win the support of the Austrian government towards his cause. Coudenhove knew that Hitler next destination would be Austria since "Hitler had always seen Austria as being part of Germany. ... Many Austrians had the same belief so that Hitler felt empowered to bully Austria into submission" (83) However, Austria, on account of its geographic situation, was the key to Europe which could bar or open up Hitler's road of conquest. On one hand, if Austria was conquered, Czechoslovakia would be at Hitler's mercy and the way to the Balkans and the Orient would be wide open. However, if Austria were to enter into an alliance with France, Italy, Czechoslovakia and other states it could become a spearhead of an allied attack. Realizing the importance of Austria, Coudenhove maintained the headquarters of the Pan-European Union in Vienna and actively sought meeting with Dr. Engelbert Dollfuss who had become Austrian chancellor in 1933.
From the first meeting Dollfuss was happy to support the movement since he himself knew only too well that, without the help of Europe, Austria's struggle against Germany was hopeless. Thus Dollfuss became the honorary president of the Austrian branch and worked towards forming a united European front against Germany to guarantee Austria¡¯s independence. For the first time since Briand¡¯s death a European statesman was ready again to adapt his foreign cause to the program of European Union.
VII.3 Winning over the Public
With Briand's death and Hitler's rise to power the effort which various governments had made towards the creation of Pan-Europe was at that moment broken down. In this situation Coudenhove thought that the best solution would be for the people to seize the initiative themselves. However, to put these plans into execution was a difficult matter. The third congress ended on a good note but the execution of a European popular movement was put on hold until the German crisis was solved in a democratic manner since there was no way a European Party could be formed in a Hitler controlled party. Also, Coudenhove was banned from holding any speeches in Germany.
Instead, inspired by the ideas of Dollfuss, Coudenhove organized an agrarian sector of the Pan-European propaganda. Previously, the Pan-European idea had been know and supported by only intellectuals, business people and townspeople. However, with the Pan-European farm movement, "the agrarian parties and groups became aware that their material interests in European Union was at least as strong as that of the industrial workers." (84) The creation of an agrarian sector of the Pan-European movement was especially significant in that farmers had previously been mainly voters of nationalist groups. In order to further convince agrarian groups and countries Coudenhove held lectures in various Balkan capitals in the spring of 1937.
VII.4 Influencing the Media
During this period, Coudenhove was able to influence a small portion of the media through Friedrich Muckermann, a German Jesuit priest who was firm in his opposition to Nazism and its anti-European character. He was editor of the Catholic literary journal Der Gral ("The Grail") between 1926 and 1931 which was well known among German Catholic circles. "Muckermann became one of the best-known figures in German Catholicism" (85) and in his articles and numerous lectures, Friedrich Muckermann insisted that "it was impossible to be at once a good Catholic and a genuine Nazi, and that every Austrian Catholic must choose between loyalty to Christ or to modern anti-Christ." (86)
A significant characteristic of the works of Coudenhove during this period is that it was focused more on establishing a united military front against Nazi Germany rather than spreading the idea of Pan-Europe for practical reasons. In particular, Coudenhove supported the establishment of a Franco-Italian alliance for several reasons. For one, the European countries needed to unite to face the threat of Hitler¡¯s Nazi Germany. However, United Kingdom and Soviet Russia maintained a distant attitude with the problems of continental Europe and the minor states of Central Europe were too weak to successfully fight against Nazi Germany. Therefore, Europe was only left with France and Italy to join hands and begin an effective defensive league. Secondly, Coudenhove was confident that the protection offered by an alliance between France and Italy would win the confidence and support of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, the Balkan states, and Belgium. Thirdly, France's alliance with Italy would prevent Italy from joining hands with Nazi Germany.
However, an alliance between Italy and France was never achieved and Italy ended up joining hands with Nazi Germany. The reason behind the failure of this alliance can be found in the party policies and anti-Fascism of France and the United Kingdom. The western democracies, especially France, viewed Mussolini as a threat to democracy instead of a potential partner in an alliance. Due to this anti-Fascist attitude, the French failed to exploit the antagonism between Hitler and Mussolini at the initial stage of Hitler¡¯s rule. In the early 1930s, "Mussolini had little regard for Hitler, especially after the Nazis had assassinated his friend and ally, Engelbert Dollfuss the Austrofascist dictator of Austria in 1933." (87) Also, Mussolini had rejected Hitler¡¯s biological racism and "was particularly sensitive to German accusations that the Italians were a mongrelized race." (88) Pre-occupied with party politics, however, France missed the opportunity of creating a Franco-Italian alliance.
Faced with the serious threat of military invasion by Hitler, Schuschnigg resigned on the 11th and in Austria a Nazi cabinet was formed Coudenhove had to flee from Austria and the movement which had just recovered from the destruction of the German branch was once again on the verge of disappearing with Hitler¡¯s dominance of Austria.
VIII. London-Paris Axis (1938-1939)
VIII.1 Convincing the Politicians
Coudenhove had the opportunity to meet Churchill for the first time in 1938. Up to that point, the United Kingdom had done little to counteract Hitler's policy of conquest and rather remained aloof or worked for appeasement. However in the 1930s, Winston Churchill, leader of the minority conservative party, took the lead in warning about the dangers from Hitler and in campaigning for rearmament and the creation of an alliance. In an article entitled "The United States of Europe" published in the Saturday Evening Post (89) on February 15, 1930, Churchill expressed sympathy for the establishment of a United States Europe while at the same time excluding the United Kingdom from it. In his words "We see nothing but good and hope in a richer, freer, more contented European commonality. But we have our own dream and our own task. We are with Europe, but not of it. We are linked but not compromised. We are interested and associated but not absorbed." (90)
With hope of gaining British support for the Pan-European movement, Coudenhove went to London in 1938 and was able to arrange a meeting with Churchill through Amery. Coudenhove and Churchil spent an afternoon in Kent together. A few months later Churchill republished the article "The United States of Europe" in the weekly The News of the World (91). In their subsequent meetings Churchill introduced Coudenhove to Philip Henry Kerr, 11th Marquess of Lothian (92) and Duff Cooper (93) who both became staunch supporters of the Pan-European movement.
After the outbreak of the war Coudenhove went to Paris and began to work in close collaboration with the French Pan-European Committee and the French government. Coudenhove "took the initiative in the formation of a parliamentary group, which succeeded in organizing a majority within the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies in favor of Pan-Europe." (94) Coudenhove also suggested the formation of a European legion of Central Europeans living in France, and the creation of an inter-allied center of propaganda which was to integrate Pan-European ideas with its anti-Nazi campaign.
VIII.2 Organizing Conferences
On June 2 1938, a meeting of the British members of Parliament was organized by Amery at the House of Parliament. Amery had organized this meeting in hopes of forming a British group representing the Pan-European movement. As a result a "Parliamentary Committee of the Pan-European Union" was formed with Duff Cooper as president and Captain Victor Cazalet (95) as parliamentary secretary. The Committee was consisted of representatives from Conservative, Labor and Liberal parties.Soon non-parliamentarians also joined the Committee and its renamed the National Committee of the Pan-European Union. The Committee focused its activities on strengthening the ties between France and Britain and establishing a European union under Franco-British leadership and inspiration.
17th May 1939 was the 9th anniversary for Pan-Europe: exactly nine years ago the Congress had been formally opened in Berlin and Briand¡¯s memorandum had been broadcasted to the world. In commemoration of these evens the movement organized a large conference at the Paris Theatre Marigny under the slogan "Europe tomorrow." Ernest Mercier, president of the French Pan-European Committee, presided as the chair of the meeting. In this conference, Duff Cooper, chairman of the British Pan-European Committee, gave a speech explaining in the political context why "Europe must unite around a closely knit Anglo-French alliance." (96)
VIII.3 Winning over the Public
In 1939, Coudenhove was invited to give a lecture in the Royal Institute of International Affairs. Under the chairmanship of Duff Cooper Coudenhove spoke about the Pan-Europe and saw for himself the extent to which public opinion in Britain had swung around in recent months. The annexation of Austria and the offensive against Prague had detached. the public's opinion from the isolationist mood of Neville Chamberlain . The British had finally realized that Hitler was not just aiming for the reunification of Germans and a large number of people were now willing to have United Kingdom join the European federation and many conservatives, laborites, and liberals looked towards Churchill as a symbol of national regeneration and strength.
The Pan-European movement in Britain was added momentum with the publication of the book Europe must Unite. In this book Coudenhove emphasized once again that Europe must unite but not under the Soviet Union or the Third Reich's hegemony but as "a voluntary union of Europe in a league of free and equal nations." (97) In the book Coudenhove considered the implications of the Paneuropean Union and outlined the ways in which the countries of the ¡®Old Continent' could be reunited in a single organization. Amery wrote the preface for this book and Duff Cooper published page-long comments on the book as an indication of his good will towards the movement.
Churchill's active policy of intervening in the affairs of other nations and establishing alliances proved to be beneficial for the Pan-European movement. United Kingdom by 1939 had concluded a military alliance with Poland and given pledges of assistance to Romania, Greece, and Turkey. "Around this new system of alliances Pan-European organization seemed to arise spontaneously." (98) United Kingdom's leadership in creating European coalitions changed the attitude of the general people towards the Pan-European movement.
Coudenhove diligently published works propagandizing the Pan-European idea. Coudenhove published a declaration on Pan-European peace aims titled "Appeal to All Europeans!" in which was elaborated solidarity between the states in foreign, military, economic and currency policies, an effective guarantee of the states¡¯ independence, integrity, security and equality, an obligation to respect the rights of human personality and equality and the creation of a Court of Justice and more.
VIII.4 Influencing the Media
The National Committee of the Pan-European Union in the United Kingdom was composed of many influential members of the media. Its members included A.L.Kennedy who was a journalist of the London Times, Stephen King Hall who was the editor of his News Letter and Sir Walter Layton who was the editorial director of the News Chronicle (99). The members of the National Committee of the Pan-European Union played a role in spreading the idea of an Anglo-French led formation of a European Union.
In Britain, Chamberlain (100) "was determined to continue the policy of accommodation with Italy ... at the same time Chamberlain was determined to pursue a general policy of European settlement that would include Germany." (101) This was because the British felt that Germany "had been badly treated by the Treaty of Versailles and that the principle of self-determination dictated that German minorities in other countries should not be prevented from joining Germany if they clearly chose to do so." (102) However, Chamberlains policy of appeasement failed "because he believed that Hitler sincerely aimed only at reuniting Germans, whereas in fact Hitler¡¯s appetite for territory, particularly to the east, was unlimited." (103) When in March 1939 the German army occupied the rest of Czechoslovakia, Chamberlain announced the end of appeasement and offered a guarantee of Polish territory.
This course of events had also changed the public's opinion from the isolationist mood of Neville Chamberlain towards an attitude favoring involvement with European issues. This attitude was represented by Winston Churchill who became prime minister in 1940. Noticing this change of attitude, Coudenhove once again changed his approach to the creation of Pan-Europe. Coudenhove now put his efforts to the creation of a Franco-British alliance which would additionally win the support of the exiled Governments of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Norway. In United Kingdom, Coudenhove was able to win the support of many prestigious statesmen such as Winston Churchill, Leo Amery, and Duff Cooper and the National Committee of the Pan-European Union was formed.
In France as well, the idea of a European union seemed to be gaining ground. When Hitler occupied what was left of Czechoslovakia in March 1939, the French continued to push "the reluctant British to take the risks involved." (104) An increasing number of people believed that the establishment of a European Union centered on a Franco-British alliance was the only way to secure the peace of the continent, especially since the League of Nations was virtually left without any political or military power.
The war situation continued to deteriorate and in June 1940, French Prime Minister Paul Reynaud's government faced imminent defeat in the Battle of France. On the 15th of June the French cabinet had even voted to ask Germany for the terms of an armistice. However, Reynaud wished to continue the war from North Africa. The British also opposed a French surrender, particularly if Hitler were to take the French Navy. Charles de Gaulle (105) went to London to discuss with Monnet (106) about a Franco-British Union. "De Gaulle convinced Churchill that 'some dramatic move was essential to give Reynaud the support which he needed to keep his Government in the war.'" (107)
On 16, June 1940 the Churchill¡¯s all party Cabinet proposed "an indissoluble union ... not two nations but one Franco-British Union with joint organizations for defence, finance, foreign affairs and economic policy. The two populations would acquire a common dual citizenship." (108) Reynaud argued the case for acceptance in the French Cabinet but it was rejected by 13 votes to 11. Reynaud had viewed this union as the only alternative to surrender, however other politicians such as Petain was opposed to continuing the war since "it would mean the destruction of the country." (109) Instead of abandoning the country and continuing to fight from North Africa Petain argued for the need to seek to armistice, stay in France, prepare a national revival, and to share the sufferings of the French people. There were other French politicians which called the plans for a Franco-British union as "British 'last minute plan' to steal its colonies, and said that 'be[ing] a Nazi province' was preferable to becoming a British dominion." (110)
In the end, the efforts of Coudenhove, Churchill, Duff Cooper, and Reynaud turned out to be not enough. The Franco-British Union which could have been the precursor of a European Union had failed to be established and the ongoing war made the formation of a European Union seem more impossible than ever before.
IX. Gaining American Support and the European Congress in Exile (1939-1946)
IX.1 Influencing the Media
In his autobiography Coudenhove writes that a few days after his arrival in America, "the New York radio featured the following dialogue in its popular programme 'Information, Please.'
Question-master: 'Who started the movement for a United States of Europe?'
Voice from the public: 'Briand.'
Question-master: 'No, it was Count Coudenhove-Kalergi.'
Voice from the public: 'Is he still alive?'
Question-master: 'The way things look in Europe nowadays, it would not surprise me in the least if he were dead.'" (111)
After hearing this dialogue Coudenhove set out to find the identity of the question-master. He discovered that the Question-master was Otto Tolischus
(112), the editor of the New York Times. A few days later Coudenhove met with Tolischus and Tolischus became one of the keenest American supporters of the Pan-European movement.
With America's entry into the war following Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, interest in the problems of post-war Europe increased more than ever before. In was in this atmosphere that Coudenhove held the fifth Congress of Pan-Europe in New York to bring the question of the United States to the American public. 4 days before the official Congress Churchill gave a speech publicly appealing for a United States of Europe to be created after the war. Churchill's speech and the Congress aroused much interest in the press and among the public for the idea of a United States of Europe.
Since there were only two important dailies in New York: the New York Times (113) and the New York Herald Tribune (114), it was easy to employ the press as a medium of propaganda. The movement just had to convince these two papers towards the idea of Pan-Europe. Luckily, in both papers there were journalists who were well disposed towards the ideas and activities of the Pan-European movement. In the New York Times Anne O¡¯Hare McCormick published articles concerning the movement. Anne O¡¯Hare McCormick was the first woman to serve on the New York Times editorial board, and her "greatest influence came during the 1940s through her articles delineating America¡¯s position in the postwar world." (115) In the New York Herald Tribune, Helen Ogden Reid, Whitelaw Reid, and Dorothy Thompson wrote articles supporting the movement. Dorothy Thompson had once interviewed Coudenhove as she was working as a correspondent in Vienna and since then had been a constant supporter of the European Union.
In Washington Eugene Meyer, proprietor of the Washington Post (116) and Herbert Elliston, editor of the Washington Post actively supported the movement. The movement also had support from William Philip Simms, and Ludwell Denny of the Scripps-Howard Press (117) and from Henry Luce of Fortune (118). Coudenhove in his autobiography comments that his contacts with most of these journalists were based "not only on common faith in a big project but also on personal friendships." (119) The support of these journalists and their articles played an important role in winning public support for the creation of a European Union.
IX.2 Convincing the Politicians
With the help of Dr. Stephen Duggan, the president of the American Co-operative Committee of the Pan-European Union, Coudenhove held regular meetings with the committee members and with each meeting new influential Americans gathered to join the Committee. The American Co-operative Committee of the Pan-European Union resumed its activity under the chairmanship Dr. Stephen Duggan, under the new name of "American Committee for a Free and United Europe."
In 1940, Coudenhove held his first lecture in the United States at the Council of Foreign Relations to a private number of politicians. In his lecture Coudenhove argued that "technical progress makes it imperative for Europe to unite," (120) and that the issue is not whether such a union will become a reality but what ideological character the union will take: Fascism, Bolshevism or Democracy. Coudenhove summed up his lecture by stating that while a Fascist Europe and a Bolshevist Europe would both be threats to the security of the United States, a democratic Europe, would be the best guarantee of that security.
Ever since Coudenhove had arrived in New York he had tried to meet with President Roosevelt and talk with him about the formation of a European Union. However, both Nicholas Murray Butler and William Bullitt failed to arrange a meeting between Coudenhove and Roosevelt. Roosevelt on the onset of WWII "although not an isolationist, he initially shared their antipathy towards American involvement in any world peace organization when the war was over, preferring to rely simply on power politics and co-operation with UK and USSR." (121) From 1943, Roosevelt eliminated any prospect of European federation in his post-war plans in return for Stalin¡¯s co-operation in the United Nations organization. Under Roosevelt, Stalin's co-operation was regarded with "paramount importance to US policy of defeating Germany and securing peace after WWII." (122) Therefore, Coudenhove and the Pan-European idea failed to appeal to or convince Roosevelt.
Still, Coudenhove was able to gain the support of a number of politicians in the State Department and in Congress. In the State Department, Coudenhove had the support of Cavendish Cannon who served as the Assistant Chief of the State Department's Division of Southern European Affairs. Cavendish had met Coudenhove in Vienna and since had been convinced of the necessity of some sort of European Union. Cavendish made sure that Coudenhove¡¯s memorandum and articles made its way to leading officials in the department. Coudenhove was also able to win the support of the isolationist group by specifically appealing to their interests. Coudenhove convinced the isolationists that if a European Union was formed the United States could stop sending their young to fight and die for Europe and also America would be relieved of the heavy economic burden of a disintegrated Europe. Also by appealing to their skeptical attitude towards the Soviet Union Coudenhove was able to win the support of the members of the Socialist New Leader.
In 1945, the war was approaching its end and statesmen convened to the San Francisco Conference to decide on the organization of the United Nations. Coudenhove knew that if the Conference decided that the establishment of regional groups had to be subject to the great-power veto, the creation of Pan-Europe would become all the more difficult. Coudehove hurried to San Francisco and met with representatives of Latin American countries who were widely known to be well disposed towards regional projects. As well as representatives of Latin American countries, Coudenhove met with the Arab League and General Romulo, the representative of the Philippines who was aiming at a group of Far Eastern states under the leadership of China. Sophianopoulos, the Foreign Minister of Greece, also gave Coudenhove great support. Consequently, the San Francisco debates on regionalist gave rise to the Article 52 of the United Nations Charter which permitted the establishment of regional groups with the framework of the United Nations.
IX.3 Winning over the Public
In 1942, thanks to the full support of Nicholas Murray Butler, president of the Carnegie Foundation, Coudenhove became the director of a "Research Seminar for a Federative Postwar Europe" at New York University. The seminar was made up of a "group of uncommonly gifted workers of many nationalities who" (123) under Coudenhove's directions applied themselves to the task of examining the political, legal and economical implications of European federation. It was also "assisted in its work by the American Committee for a Free and United Europe." (124) "The results of their studies were later published by the New York University." (125) The seminar soon became the new headquarters of the Pan-European movement and it was or the more valuable since it allowed Coudenhove to work with the support of America's most respected universities and not as just an isolated foreigner.
Four days before the 5th Congress of Pan-Europe in March 1943, Winston Churchill, for the first time after taking over the leadership of the British Government, appealed publicly for a United Europe as one of the principle aims of British post-war policy. This appeal which was broadcasted to the world raised the interest in a United Europe to a higher level and provided an auspicious setting for the fifth Pan-European Congress. As the war was drawing to a close, representatives from all over the world gathered in San Francisco to decide on the organization of the United Nations. Coudenhove took this opportunity to publicize the Pan-European movement through press-representatives from every part of the world.
IX.4 Organizing Conferences
After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the United States decided to enter the war. This entry had the effect of increasing America¡¯s interest in the problems of post-war Europe. In this context, Coudenhove decided to hold Pan-Europe¡¯s first public occasion in New York: the memorial of Briand. In his speech at the memorial, Coudenhove said that "what Briand planned for preventing the second world war many well be executed at its end to prevent a third one; but only after our poor generation had to experience for the second time that European peace cannot be maintained without European federation.
The 5th Pan-European Congress was held in New York on March 1943. The Conference was organized into three commissions; the juridical commission presided over by Fernando de los Rios, former Foreign Minister of the Spanish Republic, the economic commission by Louis Marlio, a member of the staff of the Brookings Institution in Washington, and the cultural commission by Coudenhove. "The conference decided to meet periodically till peace is concluded and its aim attained - a European federation, based on a system of personal liberty, of equal rights for all nations and religious groups, of social justice, rising prosperity, and lasting peace." (127) The findings and conclusion of the Economic Committee were published periodically by the Secretariat in bulletin form and the Juridical (Constitutional) Committee examined and concluded the drafting of the European Federal Constitution.
In 1940, Coudenhove decided to set out to the United States. With the war it was difficult to pursue the Pan-European movement in Europe. Furthermore, Coudenhove felt that he could make a bigger contribution by winning over the opinion of the United States. Since WWI, United States had become an internationally influential nation and Coudenhove knew that the establishment of a United States of Europe would depend in part on the attitude the United States took to it. Therefore, Coudenhove set out to the United States in order the win the opinion of the America public, administration and Congress towards the idea of establishing a European federation.
At that time, the United States' attitude towards a European federation was at best apathetic. After WWI, most Americans had concluded that participating in international affairs, especially those without any relation to them, is unwise. "They sought peace through isolation and ... advocated a policy of disarmament and nonintervention." (129) Most Americans were strongly opposed to intervening in the European conflict and regarded the issue of a European federation as a problem of the European continent which had no relation to them. To some, the idea of a United States of Europe was merely fanciful.
To make matters worse, Roosevelt¡¯s government was opposed to the formation of a European union. This was due to the fact that "the USSR under Stalin had always been opposed to any idea of federalism or regional association in Europe," (130) and after the spectacular military victory at the Battle of Stalingrad the USSR carried the most political and diplomatic weight among the US, UK, and USSR. Furthermore, "there were also Anglo-American suspicions and fears that the USSR had considered making a separate peace with Hitler in September 1943." (131) For Roosevelt, the cooperation of USSR was of paramount importance in defeating Germany and securing peace after WWII. Therefore, Roosevelt agreed to eliminate any prospect of a United States of Europe and in return, Stalin agreed to Roosevelt¡¯s post-war plans for a United Nations Organization.
In these unfavorable circumstances, Coudenhove persistently worked in spreading the Pan-European idea as well as and winning people over to the Pan-European movement. In New York "newspapers provided the main tool with which to influence and alter the public's opinions." (132) Especially during WWII, when events were talking place away from the individual public sphere, newspapers became the main creators of images, defining events that the public couldn't see and which in turn greatly influenced public opinion. Through the support of many journalists, Coudenhove was gradually able to at least spread the Pan-European idea to a wider audience.
Also, Coudenhove held significant Pan-European events at key points when the public¡¯s interest in post-war Europe was high. For instance, just after the United States¡¯ entry in the war Coudenhove held the fifth Congress of Pan-Europe in New York to bring the question of the United States to the American public. Furthermore, 4 days before this Congress, Churchill had given a speech publicly appealing for a United States of Europe additionally arousing interest towards a United States of Europe.
Coudenhove's approach in winning over the opinion of the public and the politicians was to convince them that the establishment of a United States of Europe was actually in the interest of the United States. For instance, in his lecture at the Council of Foreign Relations to a private number of politicians Coudenhove argued that Europe would inevitably united and that a democratic Europe would be the best guarantee of the security of the United States compared to a Fascist Europe or a Bolshevist Europe. Also Coudenhove approached each group of politicians differently according to their ideological beliefs. For instance in winning over the opinion of the Isolationists, Coudenhove emphasized that if a European Union was formed then the United States could stop sending their young to fight and die for Europe and that the United States would be relieved of the heavy economic burden of a disintegrated Europe.
Luck was to follow. US' change in its policy towards the USSR also brought about a change in its attitude towards the formation of a European federation. Since the war ended US' "perception of the USSR¡¯s intentions and reliability as a post-war partner who would adhere to agreements was re-evaluated" (133) due to Soviet¡¯s actions in East Europe. "The announcement of the Truman doctrine to Congress on 12 March 1947, marked the real beginning of the Cold War between the US and USSR," (134) With the beginning of Cold War rivalry, the US government now regarded the formation of a western federation as a way to contain the communist push of the USSR. Thus "After 1947 the US encouraged any promising moves towards a federation or integration in Western Europe that might further the America dream of a 'United States of Europe.'" (135)
With the support of the United States secured, Coudenhove set out to Europe to see if Europe itself was reading to establish a European Union.
X. Creating the Concrete Framework of the European Union (1946-1950)
X.1 Convincing the Politicians
In Europe, Coudenhove decided to pressure the Governments towards a Pan-European federation, externally through the United States and internally through the various national Parliaments. The Governments depend on Parliaments just as the Parliaments depend on the public¡¯s preferences regarding certain political issues.Thus Coudenhove believed that "unanimous support by parliamentarians of the idea of European federation would therefore compel Governments more effectively than any other move to give serious through to the United States of Europe." (136)
Coudenhove first contacted Leopold Boissier, the Secretary-General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union and discussed this plan with him. Unfortunately, Boissier told Coudenhove that carrying out such a plan within his union would be impossible. Instead Boissier invited Coudenhove to the next meeting of the Union Council so that Coudenhove could establish personal contact with the parliamentary representatives of many countries. At the meeting Coudenhove earned the support of Georges Bohy, Chairman of the Belgian Parliamentary Socialist Group and Eduard Ludwig, Chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee of the Austrian Parliament.
Coudenhove then began preparations for the organization of the European Parliamentary Union. To begin with Coudenhove "addressed a circular letter to 3,913 parliamentary representatives" (137) asking whether they were in favor of the establishment of a European federation within the framework of the United Nations. "Fifty per cent of the Belgians, Swiss, French, Dutch, and Italians, 26 per cent of the British and only 15 per cent of the Scandinavians were in favour." (138) Coudenhove invited these members of parliament to participate in establishing a European Parliamentary Union. To convince those who were against the establishment or had refrained from answering, Coudenhove sent another letter reporting to them the results of the private poll. In the letter Coudenhove also enclosed a memorandum of the plan for the European Parliamentary Union. After the official European Parliamentary Congress in September 1947 the Parliamentary delegates returned to their national Parliaments and became pioneers of the European Union. Through the efforts of these parliamentary members question and resolutions concerning the United States of Europe were tabled continuously so as to compel Government action in favor of the Federation of Europe.
The overwhelming number of affirmative answers toward the creation of a European Federation also played a significant role in convincing the Americans that the people of Europe were ready for federation. Among the American supporters of a federation of Europe were Senator Fulbright and Senator Elbert Thomas. In the Senate these two tabled the following motion: 'Congress approves the creation of the United States of Europe within the framework of the United Nations.' A motion in identical terms was also tabled in the House of Representatives by Hale Boggs, member for Louisiana. These motions had a remarkable effect. "Almost the entire body of Senators and Representatives immediately declared themselves in favor - a lead which the public followed without hesitation." (139) An important part of the American support for the establishment of a European federation was their rapidly growing anti-Soviet sentiment and the need to contain communism.
In 1948, Coudenhove once again went to Washington to hand the memorandum on 'How Europe can be saved by the Marshall Plan' to leading officials at the State Department and to several members of Congress. In this memorandum Coudenhove argued that "without some form of European Union, American dollars would be squandered, since money alone can prevent neither a third world nor the total destruction of Europe which would follow such a war." (140) Coudenhove¡¯s persuasion and the need for the United States to contain the spread of communism prevailed and the preamble of the European Co-operation Act, as drafted by John Foster Dulles, brought out very clearly the relationship between European integration and American aid.
X.2 Winning over the Public
On 19 September 1946, Winston Churchill, the former Prime Minister of Britain, gave an address at the University of Zürich in which he invited European countries to form a United States of Europe. (141) This speech delivered by Europe's most respected politician raised the formation of a United States of Europe from a mere utopian dream to a possible reality. This speech "was considered by many people as the first step towards European integration in the postwar period." (142) After the speech, Coudenhove wrote at once to Field-Marshal Smuts who happened to be in Europe at that time asking for him to give official support to Churchill's appeal. A few days later Smuts gave a speech in both the Belgian and Dutch Parliaments restating the views which had been put forward by Churchill.
These two speeches had a great effect on public opinion. The timing had been perfect. The Europeans were convinced "that it was necessary to avoid, by all possible means, coming back to a confrontation among European states." (143) Also the Europeans were now aware of their weakness compared to the US and the Soviet Union and wished to "create a freer, fairer and more prosperous continent in which the international relationships were developed in a framework of concord." (144) The Zürich speech literally lighted the fire of the Pan-European movement on the haystack that had been prepared by the Pan-European propaganda campaigns of pre-war days.
X.3 Organizing Conferences
The European Parliamentary Union held its opening session in Gstaad on 4th and 5th July 1947. The purpose of the opening session was to bring together the efforts of the various parliaments and pressure their governments into working for the unification of Europe. The session decided to set up a provisional committee consisting of the representatives of ten national Parliaments and to convene for the first European Parliamentary Congress in Gstaad from 8th to 10th of September, 1947. On 8th September 1947, the first European Parliamentary Congress was opened. The biggest achievement of this parliamentary meeting was its appeal for the creation of a Consultative Assembly with powers to draft a constitution which national Parliaments would be free to accept or reject.
In July 1947, the European Economic Union also held a conference in Paris. "The USA promoted the foundation of a centralised European organization that administered and organised the delivery of the massive economic help of the Plan Marshall." (145) As a result of the conference and he continuous support of the US, the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) (146) was established in 16 April, 1948. OEEC helped to liberalize the trade among the member States, introduced ideas in favor of monetary agreements and enhanced economic cooperation.
The Congress of Europe in The Hague was held from 7th to 11th May 1948 with 750 delegates participating from around Europe as well as observers from Canada and the United States. The Congress was organized by the International Committee of the Movements for European Unity and presided over by Winston Churchill. onvened the Hague Congress of the European Movement. In its resolutions the Hague Congress decided on the formation of a European Parliament elected by all the national Parliaments taking part.
Following the Schuman Declaration in 1950, the Treaty of Paris established the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) on 18 April of 1951. France, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxemburg made up this first European Community.
X.4 Influencing the Media
On 19 September 1946, Winston Churchill, the former Prime Minister of Britain, gave an address at the University of Zürich. In this speech Churchill called for the creation of a United States of Europe led by France and Germany, and fully backed by United Kingdom, the British Commonwealth of Nations and the United States. With this speech Churchill became "the first eminent politician to take sides in a debate that until then had been the rather introverted battleground of a few activists." (148) Due to the wide scope of Churchill's influence, "Winston Churchill's
Zürich speech may be deemed to be the true starting point for the tide of opinion in favour of a united post-war Europe." (149) The media of the European Continent, United Kingdom and the United States all actively covered the Zürich Speech.
The numerous conferences and congresses during this period also played a significant role in influencing the media towards the idea of a European idea. During the first European Parliamentary Congress, numerous press representatives gathered and after the successful congress proceeded to publish numerous articles concerning the prospects for the creation of a European Parliament. The media reported that the congress "proved by its example that no national conflicts stood in way of such a federal body and that it had a chance of functioning as any national Parliament." (150) The conference of the European Economic Union also received similar press attention.
"At the end of the war, millions of refugees were homeless, the European economy had collapsed, and most of the European industrial infrastructure was destroyed." (151) The people of Europe were exhausted and sought peace, stability and safety. In this situation, three realities evinced the necessity of a European Integration. First, there was a widespread conviction that it was absolutely necessary to avoid another conformation among the European states. Second, "Europeans were aware of their own weakness" (152) compared to the United States and the Soviet Union. Third, there was a "desire among many Europeans to create a freer, fairer and more prosperous continent in which the international relationships were developed in a framework of concord." (153)
In this situation, Coudenhove realized that simple propaganda movements like those of the pre-war era would now be meaningless. He now had to develop the Pan-European movement in a more practical direction and establish the concrete framework of the European Union which the various European nations could agree upon. At that time Acts of Parliaments were viewed "as a dynamic inertia force compelling actions by government" (154) Therefore, In order to induce Government action, Coudenhove first approached the various parliamentarians of the European nations who were in favor of the establishment of a European Union.
The opening session for the first European Parliamentary Congress was held on the 4th and 5th of July 1947 and on 8th September 1947, the first Congress of the European Parliamentary Union was held. The end Congress of the European Parliamentary Union was held on 1st September, 1948 and the European Parliamentary Union was officially formed. Through the effort of these members of Parliaments "questions and resolutions concerning the United States of Europe were tabled continuously so as to compel Government action in favor of the Federation of Europe." (155)
Coudenhove in his autobiography comments that "by the end of 1947 the leadership of the movement had for all practical purposes passed into the hands of the parliamentarians themselves." (156) and that now the establishment of a European Union ¡°was championed not by a group of powerless individuals but by men and women with sufficient power and responsibility to drive their Governments firmly in the direction of European Union.¡± (157) Now the Pan-European initiative was being taken by the parliamentarians who had a greater chance of compelling action at the government level.
Government action was also compelled by the United States Government. The alliance between the Western Allies and the Soviet Union had begun to deteriorate even before WWII due to issues such as that surrounding Poland. On March 5, 1946, in his speech at Westminster College, Winston Churchill "described Stalin as having dropped an 'Iron Curtain' between East and West." (158) Thus due to rising tension in Europe and concerns over further Soviet expansion, it was in the interest of US to promote an economically strong and politically united Western Europe which could counter the threat posed by the Soviet Union.
The Marshall Plan (officially the European Recovery Program) was a large-scale economic aid to the Europe from the United States in order to help rebuild European economics and combat the spread of communism. "The goals of the United States were to rebuild a war-devastated region, remove trade barriers, modernize industry, and make Europe prosperous again" (159) Thus the Marshal Plan encouraged European economic integration. In addition, "the United States also worked covertly to promote European integration, for example using the American Committee on United Europe to covertly funnel funds to European federalist movements." (160)
As a result, the Organization for European Economic Co-operation was created in 1948 to help administer the Marshall Plan. It was in 1951 that the real foundation for today¡¯s European Union was established. The Treaty of Paris signed on 18 April, 1951 led to the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community which led to several other European Communities and eventually the European Union today. The Pan-European movement which Coudenhove-Kalergi had for years arduously pulled on his own, now had caught the win and truly taken flight.
As Coudehove Kalergi comments at the end of his autobiography An Idea Conquers the World, the Pan-European Movement was a "story of an idea, which captured the imagination first of hundreds, then of thousands, then of millions - until it became a reality; like a rivulet in the mountains swelling to a river, to merge with the broad stream of human history." (161)
It was in 1920 that Coudenhove first had the idea of establishing a Pan-Europe in order to ensure the peace and prosperity of Europe by a system of political, economical, military, and cultural alliances. However, at the beginning Coudenhove¡¯s voice was barely heard in a Europe which was dominated by nationalist and isolationist politicians and plagued by internal dissent concerning the conclusion of WWI. The political scene of Europe didn¡¯t get much better from there. Germany and Italy were taken over by social-nationalist governments and Europe rapidly accelerated towards another World War. Despite these unfavorable circumstances, Coudenhove and the Pan-European movement persevered and after WWII Europeans finally began to establish European communities that would later develop in to the European Union.
It has to be admitted that since Coudenhove¡¯s dream was that of a distinctly political nature, it was greatly affected both positively and negatively by the political scene of Europe and the world at that particular time. Still, the Pan-European movement was able to endure the unfavorable political developments and get the best out of the favorable developments thanks to Coudenhove's strategic propaganda methods. Coudenhove and the Pan-European movement¡¯s successful propaganda methods can be summarized into five points: flexibility against changes in the political scene, individualized approach to politicians and interest groups, the extension of the movement to economic, agricultural, and cultural unification, effective use of available resources, and the spider web structure of the movement.
First, Coudenhove and the movement were extremely flexible to changes in the political scene of Europe, United States and the Soviet Union. In other words, when a certain approach in establishing a Pan-Europe failed due to deteriorating political situations Coudenhove would straight away devise a new approach which fit the new political scene. This flexibility also serves as evidence of Coudenhoves sensitivity to the political situation and its changes and how he successfully used them to his advantage. Thus the Pan-European movement was able to survive thanks to the flexibility and strategic approach to changes in Europe and the World.
For example when the Great Depression and the rise of the Nazis brought an abrupt end to creation of a Franco-German alliance Coudenhove straight away began working on establishing a Franco-Italian alliance. The main reason behind Coudenhove decision was that while UK and the Soviet Union remained distant with the problems of continental Europe, the other minor states of Central Europe were too weak to successfully defeat the Nazis. In addition, a Franco-Italian alliance would have the automatic support of many other nations of Europe. However, France and UK¡¯s anti-Fascist attitude prevented such an alliance from coming into being. Still undiscouraged Coudenhove then took advantage of the recent change in the British attitude towards involvement with issues of the European continent and worked towards a Franco-British led European Union.
Second, Coudenhove persuaded politicians and other influential people to the Pan-European idea by individually approaching them and specifically appealing to an aspect of Pan-Europe which would be most beneficial to the interest of that particular person. For instance, when approaching Renner, a well known supporter of the Anschluss, Coudenhove tried to convince him that as far as Austria was concerned, Pan-Europe would mean an all around Anschluss which will bring much more benefits than just an Anschluss with Germany. Also to the American isolationists, Coudenhove argued that the United States would no longer have to get entangled in another European War while to the Americans in favor of joining the League of Nations Coudenhove argued that the establishment of a European Union would facilitate US entry into the League of Nations.
Third, the Pan-European movement developed from being a movement centered on political union to that which also advocated an economical and cultural union. With this development, the Pan-European idea was spread among a wider public and won the support of people that it wouldn¡¯t have been able to win if the movement had just stayed focused on political issues. For example, Coudenhove with the help of Loucheur created the European Economic Committee consisted of businessmen from France and Germany. Although the Great Depression brought a dismal end to the works of this Committee, Coudenhove and Loucheur's purpose in creating such a Committee was to prove that a union results in practical economical benefits for both countries and then pressure government action through influential businessmen. Also inspired by the ideas of Dollfuss, Coudenhove organized an agrarian sector of the Pan-Euorpean movement which attempted to convince farmers of the economic gain that a European Union would bring. Till then, the Pan-European idea had been mainly known and supported by intellectuals and businesspeople. In this manner, the Pan-European movement succeeded in widening the support base of their movement.
Fourth, Coudenhove and the Pan-European Union effectively made use of what little available resources that they had to propagandize the Pan-European idea. As it is for every movement, at the beginning Coudenhove found it hard to efficiently spread the Pan-European idea to a wider public and win popular support. Coudenhove literally had to start from scratch in spreading his idea. For example Coudenhove personally wrote letters to Masaryk and Mussolini explaining to them about the movement and requesting a meeting. Coudenhove also actively worked as a writer through his many books such as Pan-Europe and Crusade for Pan-Europe and his journals such as Paneuorpa and European Letters. In addition, when Coudenhove failed to win over the general secretary of the League of Nations, Coudenhove submitted a memorandum to each member of the League of Nations in an attempt to separately reach and convince the member states of the League.
Fifth, Coudenhove succeeded in creating a system in which once a politician is won over, or a committee of the Pan-European Union is created then the chain of propaganda spreads further out from there. Just like a spider web. For example, Herriot¡¯s speech in 1925 and Churchill¡¯s speech in 1946 both played a significant role in drawing public attention to the idea of Pan-Europe, and also gaining confidence and support for the idea. Likewise, journalists in favor of Pan-Europe used the resources available to them to further spread the idea. In the case of the European Parliamentary Union, Coudenhove even comments in his autobiography that "by the end of 1947 the leadership of the movement had for all practical purposes passed into the hands of the parliamentarians themselves." (162) Thus, Coudenhove was able to achieve what would have been impossible to do on his own by actively creating webs of the movement among diverse people who could all differently contribute to the movement.
In reality, the push towards the establishment of a European Union was the strongest only after the end of another world war. However, the establishment of the European Union couldn't have been possible if the idea of United Europe hadn't already been widely spread across the continent over the course of a few decades. Thus the Euorpean Union that we see today is the fully bloomed flower that grew from the seed which was planted by Coudenhove decades ago.
(1) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p81
(2) The New World Order Disintegrates
(3) Wikipedia Article: Raymond Poincare
(4) Wikipedia Article: Tomas Garrigue Masaryk
(5) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p87
(6) moreorless : heroes & killers of the 20th century: Benito Mussolini
(7) Coudenhove Kalergi, Letter to Mussolini, 1925 pages 2 and 3
(8) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p81
(9) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p98
(11) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p102
(12) ibid., p100
(13) Pan-Europe, a Proposal, 1922 pages 2 and 3
(14) Wikipedia Article: Little Entente
(15) New World Encyclopedia: Hungary
(16) An Overview of European History
(17) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p85
(18) ibid., p85
(19) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p101
(20) Wikipedia Article: Karl Renner
(21) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p101
(22) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p89
(23) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p103
(25) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p105
(26) ibid., p105
(27) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p101
(28) Wikipedia Article: Benito Mussolini
(30) The term ¡°British Commonwealth of Nations¡± was first coined in the Imperial Conferences of 1917. In the Balfour Declaration at the 1926 Imperial Conference, Britain and its dominions agreed they were free associated members of the British Commonwealth of Nations. The relationship was formalized by the Statute of Westminster in 1931 and after WWII the world ¡°British¡± was dropped
(31) Henry Wickham Steed will be further discussed in V.3.
(32) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p109
(33) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p103
(34) This will be further discussed in V.2.2.
(35) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p112
(36) Vossische Zeitung well known liberal German newspaper that was published in Berlin from 1721 to 1934
(37) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p95
(38) ibid., p112
(39) ibid., p100
(40) ibid., p95
(41) Vorwärts was the central organ of the Social Democratic Party of Germany published daily in Berlin from 1891 to 1933
(42) Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung was a paper supportive of the right wing nationalist policies during the Weimar Republic. It appeard from 1961 to 1945.
(43) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p106
(44) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p100
(45) Frankfurter General-Anzeiger was a German a daily newspaper published from 1876 to 1943. In the 1920s, it was the largest circulation daily newspaper in Frankfurter.
(46) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p101
(47) Le Matin was a French daily newspaper published from 1883 to 1944. Its political leanings moved progressively towards nationalism and, after the World War I, openly anti-parliamentary and anti-Communist.
(48) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p108
(49) Le Petit Journal was a daily Parisian newspaper published from 1863 to 1944.
(50) London Times is a British daily national newspaper published in London since 1785.
(51) Review of Reviews was a noted family of monthly journals founded in 1890-93 by British reform
journalist William Thomas Stead. It was established across three continents in London, New York and Melbourne.
(52) Dorothy Thompson worked as the Vienna correspondent for the Philadelphia Public Ledger from1920 to 1927. Later she should work for the New York Post and the New York Tribune.
(53) Clarence Streit worked as a foreign correspondent for the New York Times
(54) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p111
(55) ibid., p114
(56) Official programme of the Paneuorpean Movement 1934
(57) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p119
(58) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p163
(59) The history of the European Union, The European Citizenship: The Origins 1919 - 1930
(61) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p129
(62) ibid., p130
(63) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p128
(64) Official Site of Paneuropa: History
(65) Agence Havas was the world¡¯s first true news agency with its base in Paris
(66) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p118
(67) ibid., p129
(68) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p159
(69) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p133
(70) Britannica Online Encyclopedia: France
(71) The West - Between the Wars
(72) ibid., p124
(73) Official Site of Paneuropa: History
(74) ibid., p125
(76) The Briand Project refers to the plans for the organization of a European federation laid out in the ¡°Memorandum of the French government on the organization of a European federal union regime¡± The project was based on a intergovernmental organization of political and economic Paneuropean cooperations.
(78) Equality of armaments
(81) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p187
(82) L'Intransigeat was a French newspaper published from 1880 to 1940. Represented the left-wing
(83) Austria and 1938
(84) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p184
(85) German Resistance Memorial Center, Biographies,
(86) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p190
(87) Wikipedia Article: Benito Mussolini
(89) The Saturday Evening Post was a American magazine published weekly from 1897 until 1969, and then bimonthly from 1971.
(90) Wikipedia Article: United States of Europe
(91) News of the World is a national tabloid newspaper published in the United Kingdom every Sunday from 1843. It was widely read and sales reached four million by 1939.
(92) Philip Henry Kerr, 11th Marquess of Lothian was a British politician and diplomat who was the British Ambassador to the United States of America, from 1939 to 1940
(93) Duff Cooper was a British Conservative Party politician, diplomat and author. He served as the Secretary of State for War from 1935 to 1937 and Ambassador to France from 1944 to 1948.
(94) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p210
(95) Victor Cazalet was a British Conservative Party Member of Parliament
(96) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p218
(97) Coudenhove Kalergi, Europe Must Unite 1938
(98) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p203
(99) News Chronicle was a British daily newspaper which was published from 1876 to 1960
(100) Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (28 May 1937 - 10 May 1940)
(101) Britannica Online Encyclopedia: United Kingdom: Britain from 1914 to Present
(104) Britannica Online Encyclopedia : France
(105) Charles de Gaulle was a French general and statesman who led the Free French Forces during World War II. He later founded the French Fifth Republic in 1958 and served as its first President from 1959 to 1969
(106) Jean Monnet is regarded by many as a chief architect of European Unity and is regarded as one of its founding fathers. Never elected to public office
(107) Gates 1981 p230
(108) The origins and development of the European Union 1945-2008
(109) Wikipedia Article: Philippe Petain
(110) Wikipedia Article: Franco-British Union
(111) ibid., p234
(112) Otto D. Tolischus was a Prussian-Lithuanian-born journalist for the New York Times and winner of the 1940 Pulitzer Prize for Correspondence for his writing in Berlin during World War II.
(113) Under the guidance of Adolph Ochs the New York Times achieved international scope, circulation, and reputation from 1896. In the 1940s, the paper extended its breadth and reach
(114) New York Herald Tribune was a daily newspaper created in 1924 when the New York Tribune acquired the New York Herald. The daily was widely circulated from 1930 to 1950
(115) Sicherman 1986 p439
(116) Washington Post is a morning daily newspaper. 1933 Meyer purchased the paper and rebuilt the daily¡¯s character emphasizing a sound and independent editorial stance and thorough, accurate, and well-written reporting. The Post became noted for its interpretative reporting
(117) Scripps-Howard Press was an afternoon newspaper, founded in 1911, in Houston, Texas. The newspaper featured flashy stories about violence and sex
(118) Fortune was a monthly founded by Time co-founder Henry Luce in February 1930, four months after the Wall Street Crash of 1929 that marked the onset of the Great Depression. During the Great Depression, Fortune developed a reputation for its social conscience
(119) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p249
(120) ibid., p237
(121) Dedman 1996, p20
(122) Dedman 1996, p21
(123) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p240
(125) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p240
(126) ibid., p242
(127) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1943, p224
(128) Draft Constitution of the United States of Europe (New York, 1944)
(129) Britannica Online Encyclopedia : United States WWII
(130) Dedman 1996 p20
(131) ibid. p21
(132) Newspapers and Public Perceptions
(133) Dedman 1996 p21
(135) ibid. p22
(136) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p266
(137) ibid., p272
(138) Dedman 1996 p22
(139) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p277
(140) ibid., p285
(141) Winston Churchill, Zürich Speech
(142) The History of the European Union The European Citizenship: The Origins 1945-1957
(143) The History of the European Union The European Citizenship: The Origins 1945-1957
(144) The History of the European Union The European Citizenship: The Origins 1945-1957
(145) The History of the European Union The European Citizenship: The Origins 1945-1957
(146) The original members of the OEEC were Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom, and Western Germany (originally represented by both the combined American and British occupation zones (The Bizone) and the French occupation zone)
(147) The International Committee of the Movements for European Unity, a Liaison Committee of the Movements for European Unity, was set up in Paris on 20 July 1947. It comprised the Independent League for European Cooperation (ILEC), led by Paul van Zeeland, the former Belgian Prime Minister, the Union of European Federalists (UEF), led by Henri Brugmans of the Netherlands, and Winston Churchill¡¯s United Europe Movement (UEM). The aim pursued by the Committee was to organize more effectively the efforts and activities of its constituent movements
(148) ENA - The Zurich Speech
(150) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p281
(151) Wikipedia Article: Effects of WWII
(152) The History of the European Union The European Citizenship: The Origins 1945-1957
(153) The History of the European Union The European Citizenship: The Origins 1945-1957
(155) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953, p283
(158) Wikipedia Article: Aftermath of WWII
(159) Wikipedia Article: Marshall Plan
(160) Wikipedia Article: Aftermath of WWII
(161) Coudenhove Kalergi, 1953 310
(162) ibid., p283
Note: Sites listed here were visited in Spring & Summer 2011
1. Count Coudenhove-Kalergi. Crusade for Pan-Europe. G.P.Putnam¡¯s Sons. 1943
2. Count Coudenhove-Kalergi. An Idea Conquers the World. Roy Publishers. 1953
3. ENA : Winston Churchill, The Zurich Speech, http://www.ena.lu/address_given_winston_churchill_zurich_19_september_1946-022600045.html
4. Count Coudenhove Kalergi, Europe Must Unite, Speech of 1938, http://www.viriatosoromenho-marques.com/Imagens/PDFs/richard_coudenhove_kalergi_europe_unite_1938-2-22322.pdf.pdf
5. Original Version of the Draft Constitution of the United States of Europe (New York, 1944),
posted by ENA http://www.ena.lu/draft_constitution_united_states_europe_new_york_1944-020302489.html
6. Original version of the ¡°Official programme of the Paneuorpean Movement¡± 1934, posted by
7. Original Version of the ¡°Pan-Europa - a proposal¡± 1922, posted by
8. Original version of Coudenhove¡¯s letter to Mussolini: 1925, posted by
10. ENA - The Zurich Speech,
11. Wikipedia Article:
Tomas Garrigue Masaryk,
12. Wikipedia Article: Raymond Poincare, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raymond_Poincar%C3%A9
13. Wikipedia Article: Otto Bauer,
14. Wikipedia Article: Karl Renner,
15. Wikipedia Article: Benito Mussolini, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benito_Mussolini
16. Wikipedia Article: Little Entente,
17. Wikipedia Article: United States of Europe, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_of_Europe
18. Wikipedia Article: Philippe Petain, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippe_P%C3%A9tain
19. Wikipedia Article:
Franco-British Union, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franco-British_Union
20. Wikipedia Article:
Effects of WWII, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Effects_of_World_War_II
21. Wikipedia Article:
Aftermath of WWII, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aftermath_of_World_War_II
22. Wikipedia Article: Marshall Plan ,
23. Britannica Online Encyclopedia:
24. Britannica Online Encyclopedia:
United Kingdom, Britain from 1914 to the Present, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/615557/United-Kingdom/44948/Britain-from-1914-to-the-present
25. Britannica Online Encyclopedia:
United States, WWII,
25. New World Encyclopedia:
26. Richard von Coudenhove-Kalergi's Pan-Europa as the Elusive "Object of Longing"
by Daniel C. Villanueva, University of Nevada - Las Vegas, n.d., http://rmmla.wsu.edu/ereview/59.2/articles/villanueva.asp
27. A Visionary proved Himself to be a Realist: Richard N. Coudenhove Kalergi, Austria and the "United States of Europe" (1923 - 2003) by Michael Gehler,
28. Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi¡¯s Plans for Pan-Europe in 1930: a vision for the Czechoslovak Republic as well? by Dagmar Morovcova, http://www.tokai.ac.jp/spirit/archives/human/pdf/hs09/03_07.pdf
29. Article: Britain and Europe: a History of Difficult Relations by
30. The Briand Project of European Union by
Simion Costea, http://ww3.wpunj.edu/~history/study/ws2/set11b.htm
31. Stresemann and Weimar by Jonathan Wright, from Dunn's History Notes,
32. The New World Order Disintegrates from History :
How Stuff Works,
33. Law as a Resources of Public Policy by
34. German Resistance Memorial Center, Biographies,
Friedrich Muckermann, http://www.gdw-berlin.de/bio/ausgabe_mit-e.php?id=342
35. Edward Benes Biography, from
36. moreorless : heroes & killers of the 20th century:
Benito Mussolini, http://www.moreorless.au.com/killers/mussolini.html
37. Gates, Eleanor M. End of the Affair: The Collapse of the Anglo-French Alliance, 1939-40. London: George Allen & Unwin. 1981
38. Dedman, Martin. The Origins and Development of the European Union 1945-2008 - A History of European Integration. Routledge. 1996
39. Sicherman, Barbara & Green, Carol.H. Notable American women: the modern period : a biographical dictionary, Volume 4.Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. 1986
40. Paneuropa official site: History , http://www.paneuropa.org/gb_int/geschichte.html#
41. An Overview of European History, from
42. The history of the European Union, The European Citizenship: The Origins 1919 - 1930,
from Historia Siglo 20, http://www.historiasiglo20.org/europe/anteceden.htm
43. Austria and 1938, from
History Learning Site,
44. The West - Between the Wars
45. Price, Roger, The French Second Empire: An Anatomy of Political Power. Cambridge University Press. 2001.
Appendix : List of People Related to the Pan-European Movement
The countries are in alphabetical order, and the supporters are in alphabetical order according to their family names.
This list does not include all supporters and contributors of the Pan-European movement. Instead the list is comprised of includes everyone that was mentioned in Coudenhove¡¯s two autobiographies: An Idea Conquers the World and Crusade for Pan-Europe.
Pan-Germans, Vice Chairman of the Austrian Committee
- Head of the Greater German People's Party
- 1st President of the Provisional National Assembly (21 October 1918~16 February 1919)
- 3rd President of Constituent National Assembly (1919~1920)
- 3rd President of the National Council (1920~1926)
- Vice Chancellor of the First Austrian Republic (20 October 1926~19 May 1927
- Federal Minister of Justice (1927~1928)
- First President of the Supreme Court (1928~1938)
- Honorary Presidency of the Austrian Branch
- Federal Leader of the Fatherland Front (May 20, 1933-25, 1934)
- Chancellor of Austria (May 20, 1932?25, 1934)
- Chancellor of Austria (20 December 1945-2 April 1953)
- Minister of Foreign Affairs (26 November 1953-9 June 1959)
- Austrian neurologist who founded the discipline of psychoanalysis
- Founder and director of the Federal Press Service (1921-1936)
- Member of the Austria¡¯s People¡¯s Party (1945-1949)
- Honorary professor of journalism at the University of Vienna (1946-1958)
- Member of the State Council, President of the Austrian Press Chamber (1936-1938)
- Member of the Bundestag (1937-1938)
- Social Democratic Party, Vice Chairman of the Austrian Committee
- 1st Chancellor of the First Austrian Republic (12 November 1918-7 July 1920)
- 1st Chancellor of the Second Austrian Republic (27 April 1945-20 December 1945)
- 1st Federal President of the Second Austrian Republic (29 April 1945-31 December 1950)
Rainer Maria Rilke
- Bohemian-Austrian poet
- Austrian novelist, short-story writer and Playwright
- Christian Social Party, Chairman of the Austrian Committee
- Chancellor of the First Austrian Republic (31 May 1922-20 November 1924)
- Chancellor of the First Austrian Republic (20 October 1926-4 May 1929)
- Austrian-Bohemian novelist, playwright, and poet
- Austrian novelist, playwright, journalist and biographer
- One of the most famous writers during the 1920s and 30s
- Rapporteur of the Congress Socialist Walloons (1938)
- Attended the Walloon National Congress of 1945 and 1950
Frans van Cauwelaert
- Roman Catholic politician and lawyer, Vice-Chairman of the Belgian Committee
- President of the Belgian Chamber of Representatives (1939-1954)
- Walloon lawyer, cultural critic and Socialist politician, Vice-Chairman of the Belgian Committee
- Minister of Arts and Sciences (1919-1921)
- Belgian-American engineer and businessman, Heinemann Foundation
- Minster of Railways and Posts (1912-1924)
- Minister of Finance (1914-1918)
- Minister of Economic Affairs (1920-1924)
- Minister of Agriculture and Public Works (1925-1926)
- Prime Minister of Belgium (13 May 1925-17 June 1925)
Paul Emile Janson
- Belgian Liberal politician, Vice-Chairman of the Belgian Committee
- Uncle of Paul-Henri Spaak
- Minister of State (1931)
- Prime Minister of Belgium (24 November 1937-15 May 1938)
Aloys Van de Vyvere
- Chairman of the Belgian Committee
- Minister of Agriculture and Public Works (1911-1912)
- Honorary Chairmanship of the Czech Committee
- Preface for the Czech edition of Paneuropa
- Minister of Foreign Affairs (1918-1935)
- Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia (26 September 1921- 7 October 1923
- President of Czechoslovakia (18 December 1935-5 October 1938)
- President of Czechoslovakia in Exile (1940-2 April 1945)
- President of Czechoslovakia (28 October 1945-7 June 1948)
- leader of the Czechoslovak Agrarian Party
- Minister of Foreign Affairs (1935-1936)
- Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia (5 November 1935-22 September 1938)
- Acting Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia (14 December 1935-18 December 1935)
Tomas Garrigue Masaryk
- Sponsor and wise friend
- Founder and President of Czechoslovakia (14 November 1918-14 December 1935)
- Danish journalist and author
Kaarel Robert Pusta
- Minister of Foreign Affairs (1920, 1924-1925)
- Minister of Finance (1936-1937)
- Minister of Justice (1927-1938)
- Minister of Coordination of Services of the Presidency of the Council (1938)
- Interim President of the Provisional Government of the French Republic (127th Prime Minister of France) (28 November 1946-16 December 1946)
- President of the National Assembly (31 January 1946-21 January 1947)
- President of the French Republic, Co-Prince of Andorra (16 January 1947-16 January 1954)
- Vice President of the French Committee
- Minister of Justice (1941-1943)
- Minister of Public Works (1894-1895)
- Minister of the Interior (1896-1898)
- Minister of Public Works and Minister of Posts and Telegraphs (1906-1909)
- Minister of Justice (1909-1910/1913/1922/1926~1929)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts (22 March 1913-9 December 1913)
- Minister of Public Instruction (1913)
- Minister of State and Minister of Foreign Affairs (1917/1934)
- Minister of War (1921-1922/1930-1931)
- Vice President of the French Committee
- Prime Minister of France (4 June 1936-22 June 1937)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of Treasury (13 March 1938-10 April 1938)
- President of the Provisional Government of the French Republic (128th Prime Minister of France) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (16 December 1946-22 January 1947)
- Minister of Labour and Social Security (1911)
- Minister of War (1932)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs (18 December 1932-31 January 1933)
- Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of National Defense and War (1934)
- Minister of Foreign Affairs (1938)
- Honorary president of the union
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of the Interior and Worship (24 July 1909-2 March 1911)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of the Interior (21 January 1913-22 March 1913)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs (29 October 1915-20 March 1917)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs (16 January 1921-15 January 1922)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs (28 November 1925-20 July 1926)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs (29 July 1929-2 November 1929)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of the Interior and Worship (27 June 1911~21 January 1912)
- French poet, dramatist and diplomat
- Professor of the Sorbonne
- economic Editor of Le Monte
- French engineer, business leader and politician
- President of the French Representative Committee for the European Unity
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs (15 June 1924-17 April 1925)
- President of the Chamber of Deputies of France-(1925-1926/1936-1940)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs (20 July 1926-23 July 1926)
- Minister of Education and Fine Arts(1926~1928)
- Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs (3 June 1932-18 December 1932)
- Minister of State(1934~1936)
- President of the National Assembly of France (1947-1954)
Henri de Jouvenel
- Editor of Le Matin
- principal secretary of Herriot
- French poet and diplomat
- General Secretary of the Foreign Ministry (1933-1940)
- Winner of Nobel Prize for Literature in 1960
- President of the French Committee (Changed to Ernest Mercier in 1938)
- Minister of Industrial Re-construction (1918-1920)
- Minister of Commerce, Industry, Posts, and Telegraphs (1924)
- Minister of Finance (1925-1926)
- Minister of Commerce and Industry (June 1928-February 1930)
- Minister of Labour, Hygiene, Welfare Work, and Social Security Provisions
- French radical politician of the Fourth Republic
- Prime Minister of France (8 January 1953-28 June 1953)
- President of the High Authority of the ECSC (3 June 1955-13 January 1958
- President of the French Committee from 1938
- 1923 Minister for Industrial Reconstruction
- Prime Minister of France (12 September 1917-16 November 1917)
- Prime Minister of France (17 April 1925-28 November 1925)
- Minister for War under Briand¡¯s government
- French poet and writer and the founder of the Unanimism literary movement
- Director of the International Labour Organization
- French poet, essayist, and philosopher
- German-born, Swiss-educated theoretical physicist who developed the theory of general relativity
- Influential German journalist and editor
- German dramatist and novelist
- Winner of the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1912
- Executive Vice President
- Minister of Economics (1923)
- Chairman of the German Committee
- President of the Reichstag (1920-1924/ 1925-1932)
- Vice-President of the Reichstag (1932-1933)
- German author, known for his biographies
- German novelist who wrote works with strong social themes
- Attacked the authoritarian and increasingly militaristic nature of pre-World War II Germany
- German novelist, short story writer, social critic, philanthropist, essayist, and 1929 Nobel Prize laureate
- Executive Vice President
- President of the Reichsbank (1923-1930)
- Reich Minister of Economics (August 1934-November 1937)
- Chancellor of Germany (13 August-23 November, 1923)
- Minister of Foreign Affairs (1923-1929)
Fritz von Unruh
- German Expressionist dramatist, poet, and novelist
Max Warburg (of Hamburg)
- Donated 60,000 marks to the movement in 1924
- Director of M.M.Warburg & CO in Hamburg
Erich Koch Weser
- Vice Chairman of the German Committee
- Federal Minister of the Interior of Germany (1919-1921)
- Vice Chancellor of Germany (1920)
- Federal Minister of Justice of Germany (1929-1929)
- Chairman of the liberal German Democratic Party (1924-1930)
- Prime Minister of Greece from 7 October 1924-26 June 1925.
- Minister of Justice of the Cretan State (17 April 1899-18 March 1901)
- Minister of Justice and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Cretan State (1908-1910)
- Prime Minister of the Cretan State (2 May 1910-6 October 1910)
- Prime Minister of Greece (6 October 1910-25 February 1915, 10 August 1915-24 September 1915, 14 June 1917-4 November 1920, 24 January 1924-19 February 1924, 4 July 1928-26 May 1932, 5 June 1932-4 November 1932, 16 January 1933-6 March 1933)
- Influential Italian journalist and politician, an outspoken antifascist
- Italian journalist and politician, noted as an opponent of Fascism.
- Prime Minister of Italy (4 July 1921-26 February 1922, 18 June 1944-19 June 1945)
- Prime Minister of France (27 June 1911-21 January 1912)
- Italian critic, idealist philosopher, and occasionally also politician
- Italian historian, journalist and novelist, liberal
- Author of the Greatness and Decline of Rome, Between Two Worlds etc
- Prime Minister of Italy and Italian Minister of the Interior (1919-1920)
- Italian anti-fascist politician, historian and writer.
- Author of The Fascist Dictatorship in Italy (1928), Under the Axe of Fascism (1936) and Prelude to World War II.
- Miniter of Foreign Affairs (1922)
- President of the Italian National Consult (25 September 1945-1 June 1946)
- Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs (2 February 1947-19 July 1951)
- Chairman of the Luxemboug Committee
- Founder of the European Steel Cartel
- Minister of Foreign Affairs of Romania (24 November 1927-9 November 1928)
- President of the General Assembly of the League of Nations (1930-1932)
- Conservative Catalan politician
- Elected a member of the Spanish parliament several times
- Twice appointed minister in a Spanish conservative government
Fernando de los Rios
- Deputy for Granada (24 June 1919-2 October 1920)
- Deputy for Madrid (28 May 1923-15 September 1923)
- National Assembly Deputy Advisory (10 October 1927-29 October 1927)
- Minister of Justice of Spain (14 April 1931-16 December 1931
- Minister of Public Instruction and Fine Arts of Spain (16 December 1931-12 June 1933)
- Minister of State of Spain (12 June 1933-12 September 1933)
- Deputy for Granada (7 July 1931-2 February 1939)
Jose Ortega y Gasset
- Spanish liberal philosopher, Perspectivist
- Author of The Revolt of the Masses
- Swedish author and the first female writer to win the Nobel Prize in Literature
- Chair of the British Pan-European Committee
- First Lord of the Admiralty (1922-1924)
- Secretary of State for the Colonies (1924-1929)
- Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs (1925-1929)
- Secretary of State for India and Burma (1940-1945)
- Under-Secretary of State for War (1924)
- Leader of the Opposition (1935-1940)
- Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (1942-1945)
- Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs (1942-1943)
- Lord President of the Council (1943-1945)
- Leader of the Opposition (1945)
- Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (27 July 1945-26 October 1951)
- Minister of Defence (1945-1946)
- Leader of the Opposition (1951-1955)
- Member of the Labor Party
- Secretariat of the British Pan-European Committee
- Member of Parliament for Chippenham (1924-1943)
- Secretary of State for War and Secretary of State for Air (1919-1921)
- Secretary of State for the Colonies (1921-1922)
- Chancellor of the Exchequer (6 November 1924-4 June 1929)
- First Lord of the Admiralty (1939-1940)
- Leader of the House of Commons (1940-1942)
- Leader of the British Conservative Party (1940-1955)
- Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (10 May 1940-27 July 1945)
- Minister of Defense (1940-1945)
- Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (26 October 1951-7 April 1955)
- Minister of Defense (1951-1952)
- Executive Chairman of the British Pan-European Committee
- Financial Secretary to the War Office (1928-1929/ 1931-1934)
- Financial Secretary to the Treasury (1934-1935)
- Secretary of State for War (1935-1937)
- First Lord of the Admiralty (1937-1938)
- Minister of Information (1940-1941)
Philip Kerr, 11th Marquess of Lothian
- Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster (1931)
- Under-Secretary of State for India (1931-1932)
- British Ambassador to the United States (1939-1940)
- British naval officer, writer, politician and playwright.
Sir Walter Layton
- British economist, editor and newspaper proprietor.
- Layton's importance in Liberal politics had much more to do with his work at the News Chronicle and The Economistwhere he became a prominent member of a group of Liberals who had a major influence on public opinion.
- Member of the Liberal Party
- Australian born British classical scholar and public intellectual
- Liberal activist
Henry Wickham Steed
- Editor of The Times (1919-1922)
- Editor of Review of Reviews (1923-1930)
Henry Justin Allen
- 21st Governor of Kansas (1919-1923)
- U.S. Senator from Kansas (1929-1931)
- United States Senator from Vermont (1 April 1931-2 August 1946)
Joseph H. Ball
- U.S. Senator from Minnesota (14 October 1940-17 November 1942, 3 January 1943-3 January 1949)
- United States Ambassador to the Soviet Union (21 November 1933-16 May 1936)
- United States Ambassador to France (1936-1940)
Harold H. Burton
- United States Senator from Ohio (1941-1945)
- 84th Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States (22 September 1945-13 October 1958)
Nicholas Murray Butler
- President of Columbia University (1902-1945)
- President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Assistant Chief of the State Department's Division of Southern European Affairs (WWII)
- U.S. Envoy Extraordinaryand Minister Plenipotentiary to Syria (1950-1952)
- United States Ambassador to Portugal (1952-1953)
- United States Ambassador to Greece (1953-1956)
- United States Ambassador to Morocco (1956-1958)
Carrie Chapman Catt
- President of the National American Woman Suffrage Association
- Founder of the League of Women Voters and the International Alliance of Women
- New York State Senate, 17th District (1939-1944)
- New York State Senate, 20th District (1945-1946)
- Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from New York's 17th congressional district (1947~1959)
John W. Davis
- 14th United States Solicitor General (August 1913-November 1918)
- United States Ambassador to the United Kingdom (1918-1921)
- Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from West Virginia's 1st district (4 March 1911-29 August 1913)
- American railroad president, Uncle of U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt
William Joseph Donovan
- United States soldier, lawyer and intelligence officer
- Also known as the "Father of American Intelligence" and the "Father of Central Intelligence."
Stephen P. Duggan
- Chairman of the American Co-operative Committee of the Pan-European Union
- Founder and the first President of The Institute of International Education (1919)
- Director of Council on Foreign Relations (1921-1950)
John Foster Dulles
- United States Senator from New York (7 July 1949-8 November 1949)
- United States Secretary of State (26 January 1953-22 April 1959)
- Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court (20 January 1939-28 August 1962)
J. William Fulbright
- Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Arkansas's 3rd district (3 January 1943-3 January 1945)
- United States Senator from Arkansas (3 January 1945-31 December 1974)
- Chairman of the Senate Committee on Banking and Currency (3 January 1955-3 January 1959)
- Chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (3 January 1959-31 December 1974)
- United States Senator from New Mexico (10 October 1933-3 January 1949
- Archbishop of Detroit (1937-1958)
- U.S. clothier, manufacturer, business executive, and philanthropist
- Auxiliary bishop of the Archdiocese of Boston (1932-1939)
- Archbishop of New York (1939-1967)
- Archbishop of Chicago (1940-1958)
- President of General Electric Company (1922-1939, 1942-1944)
- United States Senator from Utah (4 March 1933-3 January 1951)
Harry S. Truman
- First leading American statesman to publicly identify himself with the movement
- Vice President of the United States (20 January 1945-12 April 1945)
- President of the United States (12 April 1945-20 January 1953)
Burton K. Wheeler
- United States Senator from Montana (4 March 1923-3 January 1947)
- Prime Minister of Yugoslavia (4 April 1932-3 July 1932)
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